THE INFORMATION THAT FOLLOWS IS UNVERIFIED, BUT QUITE FASCINATING... AND A BOMBSHELL SHOULD IT BE TRUE.

IT IS "WELL DOCUMENTED" (BUT SECRETLY SO) AND, AMONGST OTHER THINGS, IT COULD EXPLAIN THE WAR AGAINST SYRIA'S ASSAD — A SUBJECT WHICH WE POST IN SECOND POSITION. HERE WE GO:

BY Nehme Hamie. 

Paris / There are many facts and documents that prove the Jewishness of the Al Saud family, who have been known throughout history for concealing their beliefs and embracing other religions to advance their agendas and achieve their goals, which are manifested in spreading corruption on earth. Bin Salman’s actions today are nothing but a clear and explicit revelation of what that family has been hiding for a century. Is there anyone who can answer the truth?

Mehr News Agency , quoting “An-Najm Al-Thaqib” , it is well-known and famous among the senior sheikhs in the Arabian Peninsula that the first measures taken by Abdul Aziz (bin Saud) after occupying the peninsula with the help of Britain was his rapid movement towards Najran to surround everything that could prove the Jewish origins of the Al Saud family. At that time, (Elias bin Muqrin Eliyahu) was the leader of the Jews in Najran and one of the ancestors of the Al Saud family. Elias had in his possession Jewish documents that prove the Jewishness of the Al Saud family, and the Jewish origins of their grandfather “Muqrin”, and this Muqrin, whose name was later changed to “Muqrin”, where Abdul Aziz meets Elias Eliyahu in the sixth grandfather, which is the common grandfather of Elias and the Al Saud family. After the arrival of Bin Saud’s envoys to Najran, Elias and the documents he had with him disappeared. However, the British John Philby, the engineer of the Saudi throne and Bin Saud, did not reassure them about the possibility of some of those documents or others remaining in Najran and its surroundings from Najd in the east to the Hijaz in the west. Therefore, it was decided that an intelligence team led by John Philby himself would carry out – Due to the importance of the subject to British intelligence, the Saudi throne establishment combed the region under the cover of a Belgian archaeological mission. The mission consisted of three Jews: Philippe Philippens/Konzak Rickman/Jacques Rickman and the fourth, Harry Saint John Philby, who later became Sheikh Abdullah Philby. The journey took four months, as they set off by air from Belgium on October 24, 1951, until the beginning of 1952. The four made strenuous efforts since their departure from Riyadh to Najran to Jeddah, passing through every village, every well, every stone and mudbrick in this area.

For those who want more about this journey, they should refer to the book (An Exploratory Journey in Central Arabia) written by the Belgian team member Philippe Lebens, from which we quote the following passages verbatim. The book was introduced, as stated at the beginning, by Salman bin Abdulaziz, the Emir of Riyadh. The book was translated and printed by the Abdulaziz Foundation and is one of the Foundation’s publications on the occasion of the centenary, as they call it.

The book confirms Abdul Aziz’s direct supervision of the team and its journey and his coverage of all the expenses of the journey. We must not fail to clarify what is alluded to in the book, which is that the team photographed and made maps and coordinates for thousands of sites, monuments and places, which the team later arranged as documents and a reference to preserve the monuments of the ancestors of Ibn Saud. These documents were preserved by the largest Jewish organizations in the world, and the original copies are now in Switzerland and are permanently maintained by the Al Saud.

GUSNOTE: SO FAR, WE HAVE NOT BEEN ABLE TO TRACE THE BOOK, ITS "BELGIAN" AUTHOR NOR ANY OF ITS CONTENTS... SO WE WILL TREAT THIS INFORMATION AS HIGHLY SUSPECT — BUT NOT IMPROBABLE. THUS WE WON'T LINK IT. IF THE BOOK EXISTS IT IS KEPT SECRET IN THE ABDULAZIZ FOUNDATION LIBRARY....

BUT THIS COULD EXPLAIN THE SAUDI, WAHHABI, SUNNI BATTLE AGAINST THE SHIA, AND TO SOME EXTEND THE SUPPORT OF THE AMERICAN EMPIRE FOR THE HOUSE OF SAUD. THIS CAN EXPLAIN WHY THE SAUDIS FOUGHT THE YEMEMIS AND WHY THE SAUDIS TEND TO LET ISRAEL GET AWAY WITH MURDER... HERE IS AN ARTICLE ABOUT THE CONFLICT IN SYRIA BEFORE THE RUSSIANS CAME TO SORT IT OUT.

The civil war in Syria is reverberating all over the Middle East – nowhere more than in neighboring Lebanon, where the fighting has spilled across the border and inflamed already tense sectarian divisions. But events in Syria are also the subject of intense disputes throughout the region, as individuals and political-religious organizations are drawn to take sides in the conflict. It is hard to have any conversation here without the subject of Syria coming up, whether among religious or secular Lebanese, in Palestinian refugee camps or in everyday encounters here in Palestine/Israel.

The usual narrative in Europe and America of “democratic reformers” confronting a dictatorial al-Assad regime was always an oversimplification. A French archaeologist I met in Jerusalem, who had worked in Syria, told me about a colleague who had joined the rebellion and then switched back to supporting the regime. Her friend reported that even in Dera’a two years ago, where the “democratic” revolution supposedly began, demonstrators were already receiving payments from Saudi Arabia.

As the conflict is increasingly portrayed as a sectarian battle between “Sunni” and “Shia” Muslims, these distortions continue. In fact, the religious-sectarian aspect of the war is rather asymmetrical. The principal political divide is now between Islamists and their backers in the Gulf monarchies, who see the struggle as a religious battle, and secular Muslims allied to the Shia powers who view the conflict in political and strategic terms.

* * * *
During a recent visit to Lebanon earlier this month, on my way to Amman and Jerusalem, I had the chance to observe some of the military and political aspects of the Syrian conflict first-hand.

A Lebanese friend of mine, who is a part-time journalist, invited me to visit his village in the northern Bekaa Valley. Few tourists may be arriving these days to visit the impressive Roman ruins of nearby Baalbek, but there is plenty of coming and going over the Syrian border just a few miles away.

Every community around here has contributed fighters to the battle in Qusayr. In the village of Taraya, where I stayed, the Hezbollah combatants were returning exhilarated from their big victory in al-Qusayr over what they term “fanatics” and foreign soldiers. Most of the Shia-populated villages are firmly in support of Hezbollah and the Assad regime. In the hills nearby, there are Sunni villages, which I did not visit, supporting the other side in the Syrian war.

The Hezbollah fighters were cocky about their exploits in al-Qusayr, but there was a cost too. Hezbollah admits to 94 killed (“martyred”) in the nearby fighting, along with an undisclosed number of wounded. The towns around Baalbek are draped with banners commemorating the martyrs –six from Britel and three from nearby Taraya, when I visited. Many funerals have been held in recent days and the traditional mourning tents are still up. Britel has also been the target of sporadic rocket and mortar fire from pockets of rebel supporters, either in the hills nearbyor from just across the border.

A few days earlier, Hezbollah leader Hasan Nasrullah visited the villages around here to congratulate the fighters and pay tribute to the fallen. People say that Nasrullah also participated personally in the al-Qusayr fighting. Whether true or not, every veteran of the fight showed me cell-phone pictures of the bearded Hezbollah leader in full combat gear and carrying an assault rifle — and some recent eye-witness reports lend credence to this story.

Despite the losses, enthusiasm and pride are the emotions displayed by most of the Hezbollah fighters and their families. However, no one I met spoke about the war in religious terms, except to express indignation at the “Takfiris” on the other side – that is Sunni Muslims who label religious dissenters, Shia and otherwise, as non-Muslim apostates who are condemned to be killed. Chilling videos of the gruesome results of this extremism have been widely circulated on the Web.

The version of the battle from the Hezbollah soldiers consistently downplayed the fighting spirit of the anti-Assad forces. People said that when the preliminary maneuvering around al-Qusayr was completed, the actual assault and capture of the town was quick and easy. “They ran like rabbits” was the typical refrain of the Hezbollah fighters belonging to the elite “Nukhba” unit based in Taraya. The fighters claimed that nearly all the casualties on their side were caused by snipers and booby traps, rather than in the actual assault on al-Qusayr.

I spoke with a wounded fighter named Abu Ali spoke in his house, where he is recuperating from serious shrapnel wounds that nearly shattered his right leg. He said he had been a Hezbollah fighter since the 1980’s and was ready to return to the battle in Syria when his wounds healed. Many of his comrades are now on their way from al-Qusayr to join the fight in Aleppo. Abu Ali’s 83-yer-old mother Zainab chimed in that she is ready to fight and be martyred in Syria also if God wills it. Abu Ali’s children and the continuous stream of visitors expressed the same sentiments. People in Taraya say their village sent 500 men to fight in al-Qusayr.

Another fighter, Ahmad, was home in Taraya for some rest between bouts at the front in Syria. Like many Hezbollah soldiers, he typically spent three weeks fighting alternating with one week at home, although he was reticent about going into more detail. Ahmad, age 38 and with three children, said he had fought with Hezbollah since his teenage years.

The inhabitants of Taraya belong to a large Lebanese “tribe” known as the Hamie and say they are originally of Kurdish origin. The Hamie claim to have arrived in Lebanon as soldiers with Salahaddin (Saladin) in the 12th century and are Intensely proud of their martial history. Most of the Hamie are Shia, but, confounding the stereotypes of strict sectarian divisions, my friend Nehme explained to me with pride that there were also Sunni, Christian and Druze branches of the clan. Nehme’s own wife is Roman Catholic.

Though intensely loyal to Hezbollah and imbued with the especially Shia respect for martyrdom, the people in Taraya are also surprisingly relaxed about other religious observances. Contrary to the image of black abaya-clad Shia women in Iran and parts of Lebanon, many of the women in Taraya are completely uncovered in their homes or outside — often showing off the blond hair which people say is a feature derived from their Kurdish ancestors.

Hashish production is a thriving cottage industry here and the inhabitants of Taraya are not averse to smoking some of their own product either. Lebanese Arak liquor is also available (sometimes discretely, sometimes openly) during social gatherings and celebrations. Live and let live seemed to be the religious attitude most common in these Bekaa villages – and also in the Shia neighborhood of South Beirut, where I stayed – contrasting markedly with the practice of Sunni extremists in other parts of Lebanon.

The vacationing fighter Ahmad said that Hezbollah military leaders are already studying the terrain in the Golan Heights in preparation to take the battle to the Israelis. “After al-Qusair we’re coming to Golan, then Palestine. With God’s help, Al-Quds (Jerusalem) with be free.” Whether this is serious or mere bravado is hard to tell.

Certainly an attack on Israeli forces occupying Golan would be no easy step and could ignite another large-scale war like the one in 2006 that resulted in more than a thousand dead Lebanese (mostly civilians) and severe damage to the Lebanese infrastructure. The Shia villages in the South and the Dahiya neighborhoods of Beirut suffered near total destruction.

But Hezbollah is also under strong political and popular pressure to live up to its mission as the Lebanese Resistance to Israel, rather than just a factional participant in and inter-Arab civil war in Syria. Whether this will result in renewed hostilities in Golan or on the Israeli border remains to be seen. But both sides are preparing for that eventuality. Most likely they will continue their proxy war on Syrian soil.

* * * *
Palestinians, meanwhile, are sharply divided on the issue of the Syrian war, with volunteers said to be fighting on both sides. Occasionally, especially in the very polarized Ein al-Helwe, there has been violent conflict between the factions in the refugee camps.

In general, the breakdown of loyalty among the Palestinian is between religious supporters of the Sunni rebels (including, some say, Hamas) and more secular individuals or leftist political parties. Few Palestinians – or secular Lebanese for that matter – express any fondness for the Assad regime, but increasingly they fear the consequences of victory by religious extremists in Syria.

This view is increasingly widespread not only among Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, but also in the Occupied West Bank and Palestinian communities within 1948 Israel. Friends of mine who were initially enthusiastic supporters of the anti-Assad rebels now tend to see the struggle in strategic terms of US and Israeli interests in weakening an Arab nationalist regime.

As usual, Palestinians are caught in the middle.

Jeff Klein is a retired local union president and long-time peace and solidarity activist who is visiting Lebanon and Palestine this month to do research. A version appeared on Jeff’s blog “At a slight angle to the universe”

JUNE 25, 2013

https://mondoweiss.net/2013/06/faultlines-lebanon-palestine/

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Israel has launched air strikes on the Houthi-controlled Red Sea port of Hodeidah in Yemen, a day after a drone launched by the group hit Tel Aviv

Defence Minister Yoav Gallant said his country aimed to send a message to the Houthi movement.

"The fire that is currently burning in Hodeidah, is seen across the Middle East and the significance is clear," he said.

Houthi official Mohammed Abdulsalam reported a "brutal Israel aggression against Yemen".

He said the strikes were aimed at pressuring the Houthis to stop supporting the Palestinians in Gaza, something he said would not happen.

It is the first time Israel has responded directly to what it says have been hundreds of Yemeni drone and missile attacks aimed at its territory in recent months.

Footage from Hodeidah showed huge fires raging on Saturday evening. The Houthi-run government in Sanaa said Israel struck oil storage facilities close to the shore, as well as a nearby power plant. 

The Houthi-run health ministry claimed 80 people had been injured, "most of them with severe burns", but did not say if anyone had been killed.

In a statement, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) said: "After nine months of continuous aerial attacks by the Houthis in Yemen toward Israel, IAF [Israeli Air Force] fighter jets conducted an extensive operational strike over 1,800km [1,118 miles) away against Houthi terrorist military targets" in the area of the port of Hodeidah.

"The IDF is capable of operating anywhere required and will strike any force that endangers Israelis," the statement said, adding that Saturday's operation was codenamed Outstretched Arm.

Mr Gallant said the Israeli jets had struck the group because they had harmed Israelis.

"The Houthis attacked us over 200 times. The first time that they harmed an Israeli citizen, we struck them. And we will do this in any place where it may be required," he said.

Speaking on Saturday evening after the attacks, Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said his country would defend itself "by all means".

"Anyone who harms us will pay a very heavy price for their aggression," he said in a televised address, claiming the port was an entry point for Iranian weapons.

He also said it showed Israel's enemies there was no place it could not reach.

On Friday a block of flats in Tel Aviv was hit by what an Israeli military official said was an Iranian-made unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV), which had been modified to fly long distance.

The Houthis said it carried out that attack, and vowed to stage more.

The attack killed a 50-year-old man who had recently moved to Israel from Belarus and injured eight others.

The Israeli military official said its defence forces had detected the incoming drone but had not tried to shoot it down because of "human error".

Previously, almost all Houthi missiles and drones fired towards Israel had been intercepted and none were known to have reached Tel Aviv.

The Houthi Supreme Political Council, the movement's executive body, was quoted by Houthi-run media on Saturday evening saying that there would be an "effective response" to the airstrikes. 

Although Israel has not struck the Houthis in Yemen before, the US and UK have been launching air strikes against the group for months to try to stop the Houthis from attacking commercial shipping in the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea.

https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c3g68g11445o

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CAIRO (Sputnik) - The Ansar Allah (aka Houthi) movement on Saturday pledged that the recent Israeli strike on the western Yemeni port city of Hudaydah would not go unanswered.
"The Yemeni Armed Forces confirm that they will respond to this blatant aggression," the Houthis said in a statement.
The movement said that the Israeli attack had targeted a power station, the Hudaydah port and fuel tanks, adding that those were civilian targets.
The Houthis also vowed to continue operations in support of the Gaza Strip.

https://sputnikglobe.com/20240720/houthis-say-israeli-strike-on-yemens-port-will-not-remain-without-response-1119446084.html

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US Navy Drops Details on Pricey Missiles and Bombs It’s Using Against Defiant Houthis

The US and Britain have been bombing Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen since January, killing and maiming scores of civilians and targeting hundreds of militia sites but failing to “degrade” the Houthis missile and drone capabilities, or to stop their months-long partial blockade of the Red Sea in support of Palestine.

The US Navy has revealed new details about the weapons systems it has been using in the ongoing US-UK bombing campaign against the Houthis.

According to information shared with the Navy Times, F/A-18 Super Hornet fighter jets aboard the USS Dwight D. Eisenhower, which left the Middle East and steamed home last month after a nine-month long deployment in the Red Sea area, used the AIM-9X infrared-guided heat-seeking missile to target Houthi kamikaze drones.

The AIM-9X is a variant of Raytheon’s widely used AIM-9 Sidewinder short-range air-to-air missile. The weapon has a per unit price of between $430,800 and $472,000, making it between 215 and 236 times the cost of the estimated $2,000-each price of a Houthi attack drone.

The Navy also confirmed the deployment of its Advanced Anti-Radiation Guided Missile, or AARGM, also launched from Super Hornets aircraft, against Houthi air defenses. Produced by Northrup Grumman, these ground attack weapons have a per missile price of $874,000.

The Navy did not provide any details on the Houthi systems targeted by these weapons, The militia’s arsenal is thought to consist mostly of older Soviet-era SAMs and anti-aircraft guns, similarly dated radars, and Yemeni-built copies of Iranian missile and MANPADS designs.

Another weapon used by the Super Hornets in their campaign is the AGM-154 Joint Standoff Weapon – a glide bomb possessed by the US Navy and Air Force and by the air forces of more than half a dozen of Washington’s allies. The Navy said the Raytheon-made missiles being used against the Houthis are the latest, AGM-154C variant, which cost roughly $719,000 each. The Navy did not specify what kinds of targets the munition was used to attack, but the inertial and GPS-guided, terminal infrared homing-equipped weapons are designed for use against both stationary ground targets and moving targets at sea.

Apart from their machinegun-armed speedboats, the Houthis don’t have a navy to speak of, and their naval drones aren’t the fancy, $250,000 apiece, custom-built unmanned vehicles possessed by NATO countries. Instead, the militia has improvised by fitting ordinary speedboats with remote controls, packing them with explosives and launching them toward their enemies, with the total cost of such weapons not exceeding $30,000 (or about 24 times less than the US munitions deployed to dispatch them).

A Houthi Unmanned Surface Vessel (USV, “boat drone”) strikes a Greek-owned container ship in the Red Sea.

These will circumvent most protections of cargo/container ships provided by coalition naval vessels in the area, whom are primarily focused on air threats. pic.twitter.com/QSyX8fQS7a

— FUNKER530 (@FunkerActual) June 20, 2024

The imbalance in pricing between the Houthis’ guerilla warfare-purposed weapons and the US’s sleek, arms expo showroom-class air-launched missiles and bombs parallels the chasm between the surface-to-air missiles the US Navy has been using and the Yemeni militia’s drones.

In explosive testimony by US air and missile defense officials to Congress in May, Senate Armed Services Subcommittee on Strategic Forces Angus King lambasted the state of affairs in which the US military has been forced to use $4.3 million SM-6 interceptor missiles to take down $20,000 Houthi UAVs.

https://sputnikglobe.com/20240727/us-navy-drops-details-on-pricey-missiles-and-bombs-its-using-against-yemens-warriors-1119534456.html

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The Yemen deal: Riyadh capitulates, Washington loses leverage

Sanaa’s brash threats have compelled Saudi Arabia to make significant concessions to Yemen, showcasing not only Sanaa’s sharp regional ascent but also the US and Israel’s rapidly shrinking influence.

BY Khalil Nasrallah

Yemen’s strikes against Saudi Arabia over the past three years – including Operation Break Siege in early 2022 and persistent threats to use force when Riyadh fails to meet its commitments – have successfully pressured it into largely yielding to Sanaa’s demands. 

The significant Saudi retreat, underscored by repeated disruptions to its economy since the Aramco attack in 2019, poses a serious challenge to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s coveted Vision 2030.

Yemen’s ultimatum 

In early April, the Saudi-backed “legitimate Yemeni government,” no doubt under US directives, mandated banks and the Yemeni flag carrier, Yemenia Airways, to relocate from Sanaa to Aden within 60 days. 

This decision coincided with the Ansarallah-aligned government’s operations in the Red Sea in support of the Palestinian resistance in Gaza. As the deadline approached, Yemeni pilgrims undertaking the annual Hajj in Saudi Arabia were suddenly detained in Jeddah in late June. 

In response, on 7 July, Ansarallah leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi threatened Riyadh with a stark warning: “We will respond in kind: banks for banks… the airport in Riyadh for the airport in Sanaa… and seaports for seaports.”

Riyadh wisely took the warning seriously, and the brief standoff ended with the safe return of the pilgrims to the Yemeni capital, prompting Ansarallah’s political bureau member Mohammed al-Bukhaiti to remark that “If the Yemeni pilgrims had not been returned, Saudi Arabia’s airports would have been closed at this moment.”

Broadly speaking, Houthi’s threat, backed by widespread popular support shown in massive demonstrations, underscored the Yemeni resolve to confront Riyadh, the US, and Israel. Recognizing the gravity of these threats, Saudi Arabia quickly sought mediation to resolve the crisis with Sanaa.

Riyadh’s retreat 

Following Yemen’s sensational drone strike on Tel Aviv on 19 July, those communications intensified, leading to an agreement announced by Mohammed Abdulsalam, the head of the Yemeni negotiating delegation. 

The agreement included the cancellation of recent decisions against banks from both sides, a commitment to refrain from such actions in the future, the resumption and increase of flights by Yemeni airlines between Sanaa and Amman, and the expansion of routes to Cairo and India.

Additionally, it included holding meetings to address administrative, technical, and financial challenges faced by the airline and starting discussions to resolve all economic and humanitarian issues based on a previously agreed roadmap.

The deal signaled a significant shift in Saudi Arabia’s approach, as the Riyadh-backed puppet government in Aden, in effect, reversed all its previous decisions following the agreement’s announcement. 

The lack of denial from Saudi officials illustrated the importance of this deal. Bloomberg reported the development, noting that Riyadh's quick retreat was aimed at avoiding renewed hostilities with Yemen, indicating a substantial change in the kingdom’s foreign policy strategy.

Posting on X, Yemen’s Deputy Foreign Minister, Hussein al-Ezi, underscored Sanaa’s determination to restore sovereignty in all domains:

The resumption of oil exports is contingent upon the reinstatement of government employees’ salaries. Any attempts to circumvent this are prohibited and their consequences are known. Foreign companies should understand this. We will not allow oil to be looted again while our people remain without salaries.

This indicates Sanaa’s seriousness in securing its citizens’ rights and state resources by all means and its refusal to tolerate any attempts from its adversaries – regional or external – to procrastinate or buy time.

Unreliable States of America 

For the Saudis, the experience has shown that delaying tactics and banking on Donald Trump’s potential return to the US presidency will not alter Yemeni threats. It is worth noting that Yemen’s strategic operations against Saudi Arabia began during Trump’s presidency, targeting Aramco’s Baqiq and Khurais oil fields, proving the previous administration’s inability to curb Yemeni forces. 

Betting on time delays as a strategy is also increasingly seen as futile in Riyadh. The Saudis have been corralled into recognizing the merit of promptly fulfilling their commitments to Sanaa to protect their interests.

With a Saudi retreat clearly in evidence, the Sanaa agreement represents a significant blow to the Americans, whose leverage over Yemen had long been to threaten the resumption of Saudi warfare. Last week, Axios reported that a US delegation arrived in Saudi Arabia to discuss the situation in Yemen and the latter’s latest escalations against Israel. 

The outlet notes that “Saudi Arabia has become more concerned in recent weeks about the rising tensions and being dragged into a renewed conflict in Yemen.”

Consequently, with the Sanaa deal, the Yemenis have also succeeded in neutralizing the crucial American “humanitarian” leverage, which was one of the main pressure tools aimed at forcing a reversal of Yemeni support for the Palestinian resistance.

Sanaa has accomplished nothing less than bringing Saudi Arabia to its knees, which has huge implications in this sensitive and critical regional confrontation phase, as well as in future dealings with Riyadh and its neighbors. 

By prioritizing support for the Palestinian resistance, challenging US and British hegemonic ambitions, and preparing for further Israeli aggression, Sanaa has emerged as a significant regional player with strong alliances that are drawing recognition and respect.

Yemen’s sustained pressure and strategic strikes have forced Saudi Arabia into significant concessions, reshaping West Asian power dynamics and showcasing Sanaa’s growing influence and rock-solid resolve. This development will have far-reaching implications for future regional stability and strengthens the case for the Sanaa government’s wider recognition on the international stage.

https://thecradle.co/articles/the-yemen-deal-riyadh-capitulates-washington-loses-leverage

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YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.