Since his appointment as Secretary of State on January 21, 2025, Marco Rubio has been driven by two obsessions: ending communism in Cuba and succeeding Donald Trump in the Oval Office. With these objectives, Rubio — who, the following May, would also manage to combine the roles of National Security Advisor at the White House and Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development —devised a strategy that he implemented meticulously.

La reunión de Washington contra el "terrorismo de extrema izquierda"

La violencia macartista de Marco Rubio

Por Carlos Fazio

Thus, through a well-oiled communications machine, he succeeded in forging an image that serves as a symbolic axis, articulating multiple meanings: that of American authority and strategist, combining international pressure with sanctions, humanitarian aid, intervention, negotiation, and transition on the island.

The Ministerial Meeting on the Resurgence of Political Terrorism, held on Thursday the 16th in Washington, which employed the primitive fascist tactic of stoking fear of a supposed “red menace,” was part of this architecture of influence and cognitive warfare fabricated by Rubio and his court of hawks. In terms of a purifying ideological crusade, and as a faithful interpreter of the so-called Monroe Doctrine enshrined in the Trump administration’s “national security and counterterrorism” strategies, Rubio called for the “crushing” forever of a newly invented public enemy number one: the transnational far left. A vague and generic enemy, which he defined as essentially violent and alien to Western and Christian civilization, and in which, according to his narrative, communists, anarchists, Marxists, antifascists, and even democratic socialists (like New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani) converge—categories all functional to the Trumpist far right and its satellites worldwide.

Representatives from 66 countries attended the “World Ministerial Summit.” Among them was the Uruguayan ambassador to Washington, Daniel Castillos. This participation has been met with protests within the Broad Front (FA), including within the Popular Participation Movement. Most sectors of the Broad Front believe that sending an official delegation was a mistake, and criticism of Chancellor Mario Lubetkin is mounting. The FA Political Table issued a statement in which it “repudiates the framework promoted by the Trump administration” as “a new attempt to interfere in the sovereignty of the peoples of Latin America, pretending to conceal its imperialist vocation of domination behind rhetoric against terrorism.”

Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia chose not to attend. President Claudia Sheinbaum justified Mexico’s absence by arguing that the meeting was more political than focused on security and the fight against organized crime, and therefore decided it was not “prudent” to send delegates, even as “observers.”

The latest witch hunt reached its most cynical level when Rubio declared Cuba to be “the world capital of far-left terrorism.” This was not a slip of the tongue. He had used the phrase on June 4th and amplified it as the official position. The ministerial meeting was part of a clever plan, which was to be followed on Monday the 20th by the presentation of a State Department document entitled "Cuba: Capital of Communism in the 21st Century," attempting to portray the island as the original center of a network that has linked, for 67 years, Latin American guerrillas, legal social movements in the United States, solidarity organizations, universities, anti-deportation groups, Antifa, Black Lives Matter, and pro-Palestinian activism.

Without supporting evidence, based on a collection of inferences and a rhetoric of "guilt by association," the report purports to reconstruct "the complete history" of Cuban espionage and alleged subversion on American soil. But its ambition goes beyond simply documenting proven intelligence operations or Havana's historical support for armed organizations. He attempts to demonstrate an impossible-to-prove thesis: that Cuba has, since its revolutionary victory of 1959, waged an all-out war against the United States through espionage, sabotage, propaganda, ideological infiltration, allied organizations, and left-wing terrorism. From this starting point, each chapter selects facts that attempt to fit this pre-established conclusion.

Like a white paper, the document is structured around a classic conspiracy theory—similar to the Testimony of an Aggressed Nation, disseminated by the Uruguayan Army General Command in 1978—in which mere suspicion becomes substituting evidence for the omission of data on terrorist operations, sabotage, the blockade, and Washington’s sanctions against the island remains outside the scope of the analysis.

The report reverses the relationship: Cuba acts, and the United States, the almost passive recipient of Cuban aggression, reacts. The militarization of vocabulary does the work that evidence cannot. A scholarship becomes recruitment; a delegation, training; an affinity, a chain of command; a solidarity organization, an intelligence front; a demonstration, an enemy operation. The result is not merely a biased reading of the past, but a category elastic enough to criminalize legitimate political and social activities in the present, both inside and outside the United States.

Furthermore, when subversion, left-wing terrorism, influence, front, and agent lack verifiable boundaries, the categories can extend from violence to journalism, academia, legal defense, solidarity, protest, and criticism of foreign policy. Suspicion by association then becomes an administrative tool. Nor can the publication be separated from Rubio's discursive offensive: the central accusation circulated before the report. The document systematizes it, cloaks it in the authority of the state, and returns it to the public sphere as if it were the neutral result of an investigation. This is an act of McCarthyist violence: first, the message is established; then, the dossier that appears to confirm it is produced; and finally, American citizens are criminalized, first and foremost. The report does not merely interpret history; it prepares the ground for monitoring, sanctioning, and criminalizing those who question Washington's policies.

 https://rebelion.org/la-violencia-macartista-de-marco-rubio/

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