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dutton made a sickening quip about pacific island nations facing rising seas disaster......Days away from the Federal Election, Opposition Leader Peter Dutton has yet to offer the voting public any reason to elect him, writes Dr Alex Vickery-Howe. SOME TIME AGO, when Peter Dutton was first made Leader of the Opposition in Australia, I expressed strong doubts. In 2022, the prospects of a Coalition leader swinging even further to the right, when the Teal Independents had demonstrated that centre-right voters believe in and care deeply about catastrophic climate change, seemed slim at best.
Dutton rides MAGA wave as PM pitches promise
My doubts were focused on Dutton’s refusal to build policy based on science and common sense, and his dogged quest to drag his party away from an electable centre and further to the right. I also called him ‘spooky’ and I won’t apologise for that. I believe most human beings deserve the presumption of goodwill, but Dutton lost that for me way back in 2015 when he made a sickening quip about Pacific Island nations facing the brunt of climate disaster. That callous one-liner told all Australians that Dutton does believe in climate science; he just doesn’t empathise with those affected. Friends would say I have a sick sense of humour. An acerbic sense of humour. But there’s a time and a place. Dutton didn’t choose either well. He claimed he “made a mistake” and I agree that he did. I would say his mistake was mocking those who stand to lose everything because self-proclaimed “climate sceptics”, which Dutton only pretends to be, refuse to comprehend the meaning of scientific consensus (a hint: it’s not a bunch of people in lab coats conspiring with NASA). Dutton, on the other hand, would probably say his mistake was making his unwise comment in front of a boom mic that even then-PM Scott Morrison was sharp enough to notice. Dutton’s “joke” should’ve disqualified him from leading the Coalition. His recent national security lie should disqualify him from the top job. Fabricating nonsense stories about foreign leaders does not a worthy prime minister make. I remain less confident now, however, than I did when I wrote that earlier article. In 2025, the global mood has swung. Americans call this the “vibe shift”. It’s no state secret that the fortunes of President Donald Trump are connected to Dutton’s chances at the polls. Trump has proven to be a renewed force, nurturing class resentment to once again occupy the White House. In response, Dutton has leapt upon buzzwords like “woke” to set his agenda. Clive Palmer is doing the same thing, of course, but Palmer can barely read an autocue. At the beginning of the year, mimicking Trump may have seemed like a sound campaign strategy. Much to Dutton’s consternation, Trump has burned through his political capital in record time. The Trump tariffs are wildly unpopular and self-evidently idiotic. Car factories and manufacturing plants are not likely to reappear, as if by sorcery, given that any self-respecting CEO is going to shy away from setting up in the U.S. under such an unpredictable and volatile administration. Trump proved the precariousness of investing in America’s future when he backflipped on his own policy. Even if the magic emanates from those tiny hands and domestic manufacturing does return, do we really believe that production lines in 2025 are going to be humancentric? Have we learned nothing from Amazon? Trump’s political capital was further incinerated when he kidnapped an innocent man and shipped him to El Salvador. Not even the bootlickers with fork tongues could support that level of cruelty. Not even Joe Rogan. I hope we still live in a world where that kind of brutalism and injustice is met with universal outrage, contempt and a desire to fight back and reclaim America’s sanity, if not her soul. I hope I see the day when Kilmar Ábrego García sues the American Government for its arrogance, its spite and its failure. For Dutton, the sudden rise and fall of Trump in the global consciousness has necessitated a dance. First, he was all in on Team Trump. More recently, he has changed his tune. Will Dutton make sweeping cuts to the public service as Trump did? Or has that policy been scrapped? Will he force people back to work offline? Or was that another Dutton “mistake”? It’s hard to tell what you stand for when you’re too busy tapping your toes. Dutton has, in fact, mimicked Trump accidentally by cosying up one minute and then retreating the next, with a shrug and an “I’ve never met the man” pivot that Trump himself has perfected from countless disastrous associations over the years. It was with Trumpian baggage attached that Dutton approached the ABC debate against Prime Minister Anthony Albanese on 16 April. Poor Dutton spent the duration sweating, twisting and obfuscating. He didn’t have a clear platform. He didn’t have a message for the Australian people. He’s not even spooky anymore; he’s a little tragic. On climate change, he deferred to science, but stopped short of acknowledging extreme weather events in his native Queensland. That won’t please the so-called “sceptics” and it won’t inspire anyone who can see what’s plainly happening. It was a non-position. On the U.S. tariffs, he puffed and blustered about his ability to deliver exemptions, then conceded that he didn’t know Trump. How exactly is he going to negotiate more successfully than any other world leader when he has no idea what he’s walking into? So much hot air. So much flaccid machismo. Much like Trump with Putin. On his lies about Indonesia, he apologised meekly, after refusing to do so in the lead up to the debate. Doing so gave Albanese a free kick: “You shouldn’t try to use international relations to support domestic politics.” Touché, Albo. But where Dutton was at his most desperate – and this may be the lie that defines the Election – was when he linked the housing crisis with international students. This is one of the dumbest things a public figure in Australia has ever said. He started this prior to the debate and doubled down on the night. It’s nonsense and it needs to be called out. Conservatives in opposition claim to be allies of the working people. All that “I’ll fight for you” rhetoric vanishes when they seize power. We’ve seen that in the chaos and incompetence of the contemporary United States. There is no reason to trust Dutton on this issue. The Coalition has never cared about struggling families. That’s the first reality “cheque” (don't try to bank on it). The second reality check is that while foreign ownership should be addressed, the housing crisis in Australia has nothing whatsoever to do with international students or with immigration in general. It’s an easy lie that may well be attractive to people who enjoy lazy solutions, but it doesn’t hold up to scrutiny. Dutton is borrowing from the old John Howard playbook of demonising minorities to score cheap points. A more credible argument, mounted by the Prime Minister, is that we have a housing supply issue. This is a footnote to the story. Now let’s talk about the actual story... Negative gearing: the sword that Bill Shorten died on. It’s clear that neither major party is brave enough to pick up that sword again, but a system that fundamentally rewards investors and deprives younger Australians of the chance to enter the market is a system built on generational inequality. That system won’t play well this election, as emerging generations now outnumber Boomer voters. The Australian Greens are touching this policy and that may make life interesting for Albanese if Labor is forced to enter into a partnership to form a minority government. My hunch is that Dutton’s broad attacks against immigrants won’t land with the Australian electorate. It’s a stale and mean-spirited argument; a Coalition cliché that younger people are statistically less likely to adopt. Generational warfare, on the other hand, will play very well for the Greens. Unlike the United States, where economic hardship and class divisions can be diverted into MAGA racism, Australia is a nation where the fault lines between Boomers, Gen X, Millennials and Gen Z carry much stronger cultural weight. Deep down, young people know their elders are hogging the Australian dream. My money says the housing crisis will drive votes. Regardless, this election does represent a real choice. On the Labor ticket: Medicare. Paid parental leave. Robust education – something Australia desperately needs – the science of climate change and renewable energy. On the Coalition ticket: Scientific illiteracy. Denial of reality. Whinging. Blame. A nuclear power station Australia cannot afford. Diet Trump posturing with no substance behind it. I’m not sure the debate told us anything new. The likelihood of Australia waking up to a new PM will largely come down to the impact of the “vibe shift” and whether Trump has soured the ascendency of the far-right as badly, and as quickly, as pollsters indicate. My hopes are tempered by an awareness that we all live in bubbles and we all have dangerous blind spots. For Australia, my hope is that we see through the populism, the scapegoating and the relentless negativity of the Coalition and move back to big, brave policy that actually helps people on the ground. It’s time to stop bickering at the edges and actually tackle the major issues facing Australians. At a time when people in power are listening to Iron Man wannabe billionaires, attempting to drive people apart and creating wedges instead of putting people first, can someone please explain why every world leader is seemingly obsessed with golf?
YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.
Gus Leonisky POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.
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thanks, donald....
Jenny Hocking
A campaign with only one contenderNot since the conservative nostalgia of diminutive liberal Prime Minister Billy McMahon, whose timidity, wooden delivery and stolid conservatism was no match for the hope, energy, and optimism of Labor leader Gough Whitlam, has a Liberal election campaign been so poorly developed, so ineptly presented, and so badly run.
Was it really just a few months ago that political pundits were writing off the prospect of a second-term majority Albanese Government? Although the polls consistently showed barely more than 1% difference between Labor and the Coalition in two-party preferred terms, there was no shortage of commentators ready to consign Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to the ignominy of a one-term government.
Late last year, Albanese shot back at reporters, pursuing the latest iteration of this familiar refrain, reminding them that he had been underestimated his whole political life. “I have been underestimated my whole political life and I’m focused on making a difference in cost of living … making a difference for Australians,” he said. Peter Dutton is hardly alone in ignoring Albanese’s generous self-assessment although unlike those he now dismisses as “hate media”, Dutton did so at his political peril.
Even as election victory appears likely, there remains a notable failure to recognise in Albanese the calm, measured, political leader whose methodical approach to policy development and focus on everyday cost of living essentials — health, education, housing, childcare, improving wages and conditions especially for low-paid workers — might be exactly what is needed at this time. The much-vaunted significance of Donald Trump in this election lies more in what it tells us about Albanese and Dutton through their differing responses to Trump’s aggressive isolationism, reinforcing existing political traits – to Dutton’s particular disadvantage.
Dutton’s early embrace of Trump-ist DOGE efficiency measures, his appointment of Jacinta Price to drive such measures, his promise to slash 41,000 public service Canberra jobs and reverse the Albanese Government’s advances in renewable energy reflected a significant political misjudgment in mistaking the American political system for our own and misreading its electoral implications. Faced with the turbulence of Trump, the chaos of on-again off-again tariffs and mass public service “efficiency” sackings, voters had already turned towards Albanese’s political approach and promise of stability and consistency, which some commentators saw only as “insipid”, “uninspiring” and “dull”.
After three years in government, Albanese is a different political adversary this time. It’s a truism to say that an election campaign is a marathon, because it is. He has prepared relentlessly, physically and politically, done the policy work and, it seems obvious, some impressive media training as well. There have been minimal stumbles, greater clarity, and a remarkably disciplined presentation of a detailed policy program including fronting the National Press Club several times which Dutton refused to do even during the election campaign.
The contrast between the two campaigns could not be more marked.
Not since the conservative nostalgia of diminutive Liberal Prime Minister Billy McMahon, whose timidity, wooden delivery, and stolid conservatism was no match for the hope, energy, and optimism of Labor leader Gough Whitlam, has a Liberal election campaign been so poorly developed, so ineptly presented and so badly run. This has been a campaign with only one real contender. At the heart of the Liberal Party’s shambolic campaign mash-up lies the one glaring problem from which all others inevitably followed – there were no policies.
It is almost inexplicable that the Coalition, even with a three-year lead-in time — this was no early snap election — could be so unprepared for an election campaign, focused as it must be on policy alternatives and political possibilities for the future. And yet here we are. The Coalition is staring down polls that show a dramatic shift away from its lead in early January, to a 47-53 defeat in the latest figures, just four months later.
So, what went wrong? After just the first week, I wrote that although it was too early to say that the wheels had come off Dutton’s campaign, it was looking very shaky. By the end of the following week, the wheels were well and truly off. The image of Dutton’s bogged campaign bus is the lasting metaphor for a campaign dogged by inconsistency, contradictory positions and rapid policy drops, surprising even Dutton’s inner circle in a vain effort to fill the obvious policy vacuum. The Liberal’s work from home policy is the best, or is it worst, example of this.
Announced apparently without internal consultation by Jane Hume, no-one had thought to consider how this might affect women in particular, and across households more broadly through the added cost of fuel for commuting and the lack of flexibility for those with children. It barely had time to settle in the public imagination before Dutton announced a major backflip and the work from home policy was gone. The nuclear policy, another of Dutton’s “captain picks”, meanwhile, simply disappeared from view, rating just one mention in the budget reply speech and with Dutton refusing to visit any of the nominated nuclear sites.
Opposition is a lonely political purgatory, a difficult time for politicians to sustain enthusiasm and remain united. However, it can also be an opportunity for renewal, for policy development and party revival, which the Liberal Party under Dutton has failed to take. Dutton’s own backbench has been restless over the lack of policy development and his tendency to announce policy as a “captain’s pick”, on the run, with neither detail nor substance and leaving his backbench team in the dark.
Take the “ nuclear fiction” of seven promised “small modular nuclear reactors”, the Coalition’s putative energy fix based on technology that doesn’t exist: it would take 20 years to build even if it did, and with an eye-watering price tag for the taxpayer of $600 billion, which the Coalition claims is $330 billion. Touted by Dutton as the clean energy fix to bring energy prices down in 30 years time, perhaps, he also promised to compulsorily acquire land to build the reactors if needed “even if locals oppose it” and to ignore community concerns, “in the national interest”. The groans of Coalition MPs watching their re-election prospects plummet could be heard across the country. What a political horror story. The nuclear fantasy fell just as hard and fast as it had emerged.
Dutton was jettisoning policies faster than he could make them up. It meant policy announcements appeared arbitrary and capricious. It was impossible to take policy promises seriously from that point on, knowing they could be overturned or forgotten at any time.
The failure of the Liberal Party to do the hard work of rebuilding its brand, attracting a broader voter base through policy renewal from Opposition has been the main cause for the Coalition’s slump. Put under the spotlight of an intense campaign with a rapid media cycle, the Coalition campaign never got off the ground.
It comes as no surprise that as the campaign comes to a welcome close (the final train-wreck weeks have been almost painful to watch) the political persona of Dutton himself — his divisive, belligerent attitude to government and, more concerningly, to the exercise of power — has become a drag on the Coalition vote. With the final polls showing a decisive shift to Labor and Albanese increasingly likely to retain, and even improve on, majority government, Liberal insiders are already stalking Dutton’s leadership, honing in on his campaign mismanagement. Liberal Party strategists on 1 May anonymously decried the absence of policy heft, noting that in three years the Liberal leadership team had presented little more than an aspirational booklet without the detailed policy work behind it.
Bill Shorten, during his weekly tête-à-tête with Christopher Pyne on the ABC’s 730 program, repeatedly described the Liberal Party’s campaign as “lazy”, reflecting the lack of policy development and failure to prepare for office from Opposition. Dutton and his key advisers clearly thought governments lose elections, Oppositions don’t need to do much if a government is on the nose. And in that, Dutton sadly misjudged the meaning of his “success” in manufacturing opposition to the Voice referendum, apparently expecting that voters would ride a wave of anti-Labor sentiment generated by the failure of the Voice and carry them into government. It was never going to be that easy.
https://johnmenadue.com/post/2025/05/could-two-election-campaigns-be-any-different/
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YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT.
Gus Leonisky
POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.
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