Saturday 30th of November 2024

a clear opportunity for open regionalism of the kind the bi-polarity of the Cold War had prevented....

Greg Sheridan, in his opinion piece of Tuesday 21 February, provides yet another display of his spiteful, vacuous journalism – his erroneous claims that I am not the progenitor of the APEC Leaders’ Meeting, and that my views on Australian strategic policy are eccentric and at odds with the US alliance.

PJ Keating reply to Greg Sheridan – The Australian, 21 February 2023

I will deal with the APEC Leaders’ Meeting first. This is easy enough because the Australian government records of the time are now open. Sheridan was never one to let evidence stand in the way of his prejudices and clearly prefers the fact that Bill Clinton failed to mention me in his autobiography re the Leaders’ Meeting than he does Australian archival evidence.

This is strange, for in his 1997 book, ‘Tigers of the Asia Pacific’, Sheridan wrote ‘Keating had in 1992 himself first proposed that APEC national leaders should meet’. 1992, was of course, before Clinton came to office.

Every Australia Prime Minister before me sat at only two international fora – the great non-meeting of the world – the Commonwealth Heads of Government annual meeting and the local South Pacific Forum. There was no place for Australia organisationally beside an American President, let alone a Chinese or Indonesian President. I wished to change that.

When the Cold War ended with Mikhail Gorbachev’s dissolution of the Soviet Union on 26 December 1991 – five days after I assumed the Prime Ministership, I could see a clear opportunity for open regionalism of the kind the bi-polarity of the Cold War had prevented. And prevented for forty years.

And, as it turned out, I was to meet US President George Herbert Bush at Kirribilli House six days later, on 1 January 1992.

At that meeting, the minute of which was recorded by Ashton Calvert, later to become Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs, I proposed to President Bush that APEC be turned from a Pacific focused mini-OECD into a heads of government meeting. I urged him to run future US Pacific policy from the State Department and the White House, not from the US Navy out of Honolulu.

The President was attracted to the APEC idea. And subsequent to our meeting at Kirribilli, he exchanged classified correspondence with me, suggesting I take the lead in talking about the proposition to Asia and Pacific leaders.

President Clinton, who followed President Bush wrote in March 1993 that he would ‘give serious consideration to an APEC heads-of-government meeting’. That is, for Sheridan’s sake, ‘serious consideration’ to an APEC heads of government meeting as I had proposed. In June 1996 the President wrote another letter, also available in the records, noting that the first APEC Leaders’ Meeting in Seattle in 1993 had been ‘built on the important institutional foundations you laid’.

Sheridan’s continuing and fallacious journalism opens another vital angle in our national debate.

The historian Manning Clark used to refer to people like Menzies, Stanley Bruce and Casey as Austral-Britons. People whose ambivalence as to their identity and allegiances compromised their commitment to Australia.

Australia now has another class of such people in its public life – Austral-Americans – people who don’t know which side of the national fence they are on or should be on.

People skewered by their own ambivalence.

Greg Sheridan is one such person. Sheridan’s commitment to the United States is so uncritical and unalterable he should give consideration to registering himself under the Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme Act.

But Sheridan’s problem is part of a wider problem. The national foreign policy debate in Australia, is now heavily populated by an army of ‘little Americans’ who cannot see past the United States and its interests. That is, the interests of another country.

These people populate our security agencies, the likes of ASPI, the military services and important sections of the media.

In terms of Australia’s sovereign interests – the gift of a continent, our position and proximity to Asia – these people prefer an exclusive faith in an Atlantic power half a world away.

Not that the alliance with the United States is not important to us. It is. The alliance has been and remains central to our security and foreign policy. But not to the exclusion of good and appropriate relations with the region and especially with China.

The ANZUS Treaty, struck in 1951, is an equivocal document which offers strategic consultation but fails to guarantee automatic military support to Australia by the United States in the event of Australia being attacked.

This differs from the first quality guarantee the US provides to NATO partners who are guaranteed an automatic military response by the US in the event a NATO partner is attacked by another state.

Personally, I have no problem with the contingent quality of the ANZUS Treaty provided Australia does not over-invest in it or shun other regional partners. Particularly regional partners who have displayed no interest in attacking us – or who lack the capacity for a conventional invasive attack.

Sheridan prattles on about the nuclear submarines and my warnings about them.

The nuclear propelled submarines under consideration by Australia would be armed with conventional torpedoes – the same as the existing Collins class submarines.

Were we to procure eight Virginia class US submarines – only two or three would ever be at sea on station.

At about A$9billion per submarine – a fleet of eight (in twenty-five years’ time) would cost around A$70billion in today’s dollars.

$70billion to fire conventional torpedoes from two to three boats only at the same time.

The price tag is outrageous and beyond any value for the utility – especially when far cheaper conventional submarines can be acquired to do the same job.

And, of course, the submarine would, in part, be crewed by Americans – so the United States would be in full possession of Australia’s operational choices at any one time. Hardly the stuff of the sovereignty Australia both needs and is entitled to.

Sheridan perpetually demonstrates a disregard for truth and accuracy.

He may resent the fact that someone in the polity speaks unambiguously for Australia, celebrating our geography, and with an inclusive view of the region around us.

Post-Cold War groupthink dies hard – Sheridan repeatedly demonstrates this. He should book himself into a retreat of the kind people used to go to find renewal both in themselves and the world around them. Or maybe spend some time in the archives.

 

READ MORE:

https://johnmenadue.com/pj-keating-reply-to-greg-sheridan-the-australian-21-february-2023/

 

 

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the jewish lobby......

It’s quite remarkable how quickly Australian politicians and ministers fell in lock step with pro-Israeli forces trying to sabotage the Adelaide Festival because I and Mohammad El-Kurd refuse to be silent on more than seven decades of systematic Israeli terrorism against us. The fact that some people think our words are too harsh means they either do not know the full extent of Israel’s daily barbarity and apartheid, or they do and support it, writes Susan Abulhawa in an interview with Pearls and Irritations.

Q: Next month, you will be presenting at the Adelaide Writers’ Festival. Australia has recently been host to a debate about foreign influence in Australia. Concern has been raised over Chinese lobbying efforts and new laws on foreign interference have been introduced by parliament in an attempt to stop those efforts. From your vantage point is Australia a nation free from foreign influence? Or do we still have some work to do.

In the US, domestic politics and foreign policy are heavily influenced by the Israeli lobby. A book by professors John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt wrote an excellent primer on the extent of Israel’s meddling and control over US politics. It’s called THE ISRAEL LOBBY, if anyone is interested.

As I don’t live in Australia and am not sufficiently versed in your domestic politics, I cannot answer whether this sort of political meddling is the same for you.

I will say, however, that it’s quite remarkable how quickly your politicians and ministers fell in lock step with pro-Israeli forces trying to sabotage the Adelaide Festival because I and Mohammad [El-Kurd] refuse to be silent on more than seven decades of systematic Israeli terrorism against us. The fact that some people think our words are too harsh means they either do not know the full extent of Israel’s daily barbarity and apartheid, or they do and support it.

Q: Australia’s new Labor government last year voted in the UNGA against requesting an ICJ advisory opinion on the legality of Israeli settlements. In that context, do you have any comment on the current situation in Palestine and the silence from the rest of the world?

Palestinians are a besieged, occupied, and terrorised population of principally unarmed civilians trying to resist Israel’s ongoing colonisation and ethnic cleansing of Palestine. We have no recourse, no other place to take our pain and grievances except rare international bodies, all of which are essentially toothless. Israel’s well-documented past and ongoing war crimes and crimes against humanity have made it hard for the ICJ to continue ignoring, and now the court has solicited legal analyses from vested parties and member nations. If Israel had nothing to hide, they shouldn’t be afraid. But the facts are not in their favor. The ICJ is not a place where their sensational headlines and fairytale propaganda will work as well as it does in popular western media. It’s a pity that Australia has chosen to back an Apartheid settler colonial state engaged in some of the most heinous and systematic contemporary human rights abuses. History will show them to have stood on the wrong side. Of that I have no doubt.

Q: Yesterday marked the anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine by Russian forces. Do you have any thoughts on the media coverage of the Ukraine war? In your view, what could have been done to prevent the conflict? What are the primary barriers to Ukraine and Russia now reaching a ceasefire or peace settlement?

As you know, I have been critical of Ukraine’s right wing government, as many Ukrainians are, too. But we don’t hear from the opposition in western media, in part because Zelensky’s regime banned, assassinated, shut down, or otherwise silenced internal opposition. This war concerns me greatly, as it should all citizens of the world, as the repercussions are global. As a US citizen, it is my duty to examine our role in this war, which goes back to the dissolution of the USSR and broken promises made to Mikhail Gorbachev not to expand NATO eastward. We know the US was involved in the overthrow of the democratically elected Ukrainian government of Viktor Yanukovych in 2014 to replace him with the current right wing government. We know from Angela Merkel that the US and NATO never intended to honor the Minsk agreements. Rather, as she admitted, Minsk was meant to buy time for Ukraine to rearm and prepare for a confrontation with Russia. We also know (ironically from Naftali Bennett) that the US and other western powers blocked a peace agreement that both Ukraine and Russia had agreed to in 2022.

That said, my criticism of Zelensky does not absolve Russia. The fact is that I disdain hero worship of politicians as we see happening with Zelensky. I do not idolise politicians, nor do I love them. So the claims that I am a cheerleader for Putin are sensational fabrications. It is simply that I do not need to see the world in absolute terms in order to make sense of reality. The popular black and white or good and evil framing applied to this war is dangerous reductionism that perpetuates and feeds the war machine.

I have been very critical of Mahmoud Abbas, and was even more critical of Yasser Arafat during his time. No one ever accused me of spreading Zionist propaganda. Leaders have a responsibility to first and foremost protect their people. Zelensky failed on this most basic premise and the world deserves to know how and why. Australians should have the right to hear different narratives and viewpoints, particularly views about this war that are shared by huge swaths of humanity, primarily in the Global South, who make up the majority of the world.

Q: Large parts of Syria were devastated by a 7.8 magnitude earthquake that struck the region in early February. Have neighboring countries and the international community in your view adequately responded to Syria’s need for humanitarian assistance and disaster recovery?

The devastation in Syria is unimaginable. It is worth noting that Israel took the opportunity to bomb Syria as the country was reeling from deaths in the tens of thousands, trying desperately to dig survivors out of the rubble.

Susan Abulhawa will be appearing at the Adelaide Writers’ Festival panel on Sovereignty and Solidarity, Thursday 9 March, 12pm.

Susan Abulhawa is Executive Director of the Palestine Writes Literature Festival, and the founder of Playgrounds for Palestine, an international children’s NGO upholding the Right to Play for Palestinian children. Her debut novel, Mornings in Jenin, was translated into 30 languages and is considered a classic in Palestinian literature. Her most recent, Against the Loveless World, was lauded as a “masterpiece.”

 

READ MORE:

https://johnmenadue.com/australian-politicians-in-lock-step-with-pro-israeli-forces-over-adelaide-festival/

 

 

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