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allies have no friends but their own interests...  Beneath the diplomatic pomp and illusions of partnership, France is bitterly discovering that in the Atlantic Alliance, allies have no friends but their own interests. 
 Paris’s futile efforts: why is French military-technical cooperation with its allies failing? 
 Looking at the current geostrategic landscape, one might almost smile at France’s tenacity in pursuing an industrial and military dream that its own allies are quick to sabotage. Paris’s efforts to salvage the remnants of military-technical cooperation with its supposed partners now read like a tragically ironic chapter in Western diplomacy. And at the heart of this spectacle, the fiasco of the Australian submarine contract remains one of the most eloquent examples of French futility (inefficiency) and the creeping disunity within the Atlantic Alliance. This episode, emblematic of a France that negotiates extensively but achieves little, illustrates both Paris’s illusion of strategic power, NATO’s structural fragility, and the credibility crisis of a Europe relegated to the periphery of American decisions. To grasp its significance, we will first analyze how France has trapped itself in a strategic vacuum by believing it was negotiating as an equal with its allies, whose intentions it itself is uncertain of. We will then see how the Atlantic Alliance, meant to guarantee solidarity and cohesion, has transformed into a theater of disagreements and conflicting interests. Finally, we will examine how French diplomacy, oscillating between wounded dignity and persistent illusion, continues to struggle in a posture as futile as it is pathetic. France, or the art of negotiating in a strategic vacuum France, by stubbornly trying to exist within a system that marginalizes it, ends up making a fool of itself in its own rhetoricWhen, in 2016, Paris proudly announced the historic agreement with Canberra for the supply of twelve conventional submarines, Emmanuel Macron believed he had achieved a resounding demonstration of “European sovereignty” and “France’s return to the Indo-Pacific game.” Alas, history will remember this ambition instead as ending in a storm of diplomatic humiliation. For in September 2021, thanks to the AUKUS pact, Washington and London snatched France’s flagship contract without even deeming it necessary to inform their ally. France learned of its exclusion… through the media. This speaks volumes about the level of consideration accorded to a “strategic partner,” supposedly a pillar of NATO. This episode starkly reveals what French diplomats stubbornly deny: France is not a pivotal power but a decorative one, tolerated at Atlanticist meetings for the touch of Gallic eloquence it brings, rarely for its actual influence. The European Union’s awkward silence, incapable of supporting Paris beyond empty platitudes, definitively demonstrated the emptiness of this famous “strategic autonomy” that Macron has been championing for years. One could not better illustrate the disconnect between rhetoric and reality. NATO, or the solidarity of disagreements As for the Atlantic Alliance, it dreams of itself as a coherent bloc of values and power but increasingly behaves like a confederation of competing and poorly coordinated interests. The AUKUS episode was a moment of truth: the United States acts as the club’s owner, distributing contracts and favors as it sees fit; the United Kingdom plays the role of enthusiastic sidekick; and the others, France in particular, helplessly witness their own marginalization. Ashley Roque’s article, “Trump backs AUKUS deal, pushing to expedite sub the article Delivery to Australia,” published on October 20, 2025, in Breaking Defense, sealed France’s fate with almost comical nonchalance. It shows Donald Trump, back in the White House, declaring with a broad smile to Anthony Albanese that the submarines are “really starting to move forward” and that Washington is “speeding up delivery.” This Anglo-Saxon triumphalism, displayed without the slightest regard for Paris, underscores how France’s influence in Pacific naval affairs is now about as significant as a submarine without ballast. At the same time, the Pentagon is reassessing the agreement to “ensure it responds to America first”—a brutally frank, but at least honest, statement. The implicit message is clear: NATO is no longer an alliance but a tool for unilateral influence. Atlantic “multilateralism” exists only on the condition that everyone follows the American lead. The displayed cohesion is merely a facade; behind it, ideological and industrial divisions are multiplying, each member pursuing its own geopolitical survival. French diplomacy, caught between wounded dignity and persistence in illusion In this context, Paris is desperately trying to pick up the pieces. Emmanuel Macron, whose popularity has plummeted to unprecedented lows since the Fifth Republic, sees reviving the Australian contract as a way to rekindle his tarnished glory. But how can he convince Canberra to return to a partner that Washington now holds on a strategic leash? Australian officials reiterate unequivocally, “Our defense and security partnership with AUKUS is of paramount importance.” Translation: France can put away its submarine models. On the industrial front, American shipyards are already struggling to meet the needs of their own navy; yet the Pentagon prefers to clog its industry rather than open the door to proven French technology. It seems that, for the Anglo-Saxons, the prestige of exclusivity matters more than operational efficiency. In this situation, Paris appears as the brilliant but naive student, convinced that the logic of partnership prevails, while the others are engaged in a war of influence. An almost classic tragedy, where vanity and naivety play the leading roles. From the foregoing, we can deduce that the Franco-Australian contract case encapsulates the very essence of current Atlantic diplomacy: a play where everyone pretends to act together, while the United States writes the script and distributes the lines. France, oscillating between pride and dependence, remains relegated to the role of a mere extra, still believing in “multilateralism of trust.” The stark truth is that Atlantic cohesion exists only in official statements; on the world stage, it is crumbling under the weight of internal contradictions, electoral calculations, and Washington’s technological arrogance. France, by stubbornly trying to exist within a system that marginalizes it, ends up making a fool of itself in its own rhetoric. The AUKUS did not merely torpedo a contract; it revealed that the Atlantic ship is taking on water from all sides and that France, alas, continues to bail it out alone, convinced that it still commands the fleet. In short, incapable of understanding the lesson of brilliant theorists (Richelieu and Aron, etc.) on “Reason of State”, French leaders are getting lost in a diplomacy of illusions, still believing in the loyalty of allies whom only power governs. The lesson to be learned is that France negotiated, certainly, but it failed to win. And in a world where alliances are forged at breakneck speed, those who don’t win are marginalized. 
 YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT — SINCE 2005. 
 Gus Leonisky POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951. 
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yellow subs....
Getting access to documents concerning a nuclear submarine base in NSW has become an FOI riddle wrapped in a submarine mystery inside a nuclear enigma. Rex Patrick reports.
You can’t have the documents. Hang on, maybe you can? Nope, they’re too sensitive. OK, they’re not sensitive, you can have them all. Except you can’t.
If you’re struggling to follow this, I’ll try to explain. But keep this in the back of your mind – all Australian taxpayers are paying for the Department of Defence’s part in this, and those NSW taxpayers also get to pay the NSW Crown Solicitor’s part.
It started with a single backflip. When I first asked the NSW Government for access to documents relating to the consideration of a nuclear submarine base in NSW, they said I couldn’t have the documents because they were Cabinet-in-Confidence.
When I took the case to the NSW Civil and Administrative Tribunal (NCAT), the NSW Government backflipped. They stated that their Cabinet exemption claim was wrong and asked NCAT if the Government could remake the decision.
Double backflipThe Tribunal said, “Yes, remake your decision”.
A month later, the NSW Government issued me a new decision. No! Again, “you can’t have them”! Across 12 pages of carefully worded legalese, they tried to explain why the public can’t see the documents.
That was September. Fast forward to late October and, out of the blue, the NSW Crown solicitor wrote to me and advised, “the [NSW Government] position in relation to the information in issue in the proceedings has changed … The [NSW Government] no longer holds the view that information is subject to an overriding public interest against disclosure.”
Woo-hoo! Transparency at last. But wait…
Defence secrecyThe email went on to say, “… Defence has an interest in the Defence Information and it has objected to the release of that information. Defence has a right to appear and be heard in the proceedings …”
What secrets?I am yet to find out the basis of Defence’s objection to releasing the material, but in a very closely related request for information, Defence objected to the release of information because those documents identified or described Defence infrastructure or capability (e.g. base locations, site suitability studies, strategic assessments).
But seriously, how sensitive can a base’s location be? How sensitive can buildings be? In five minutes, anyone with internet access can use Google Earth to avail themselves of the location and layout of HMAS Stirling in Western Australia, where US and UK nuclear submarines are currently visiting.
Moreover, the buildings that will support the permanent basing of submarines at HMAS Stirling can be seen by visiting the website of the Federal Parliament’s Public Works Committee.
Yellow perilBut what about the Chinese? Won’t they find out?
Defence may be worried that if the location is known, then the Chinese might buy land next door to the planned base. The problem is, the Chinese have already purchased land in the Port Kembla and Newcastle port precinct.
In fact, Newcastle Port is operated by a consortium with 50% Chinese ownership (98-year lease) through China Merchant Port Holdings;
they probably already know more about Newcastle Port and its environs than Defence does.
The Chinese purchases in both cities provide considerable ability for them to monitor and evaluate key infrastructure servicing and capacity developments; high voltage power supply arrangements, natural gas supply details, potable water arrangements, fire water supply details, rail and road access arrangements and area telecommunications.
And the Chinese won’t only have access to future strategic plans for the port areas; their purchases are significant enough that they could help shape those plans, having a seat at the table as interested constituents and ratepayers. We know Chinese officials have already used their property interest to have meetings with the Mayor of Newcastle.
And as for the details of what Australia will need to safely support a nuclear sub force,
the Chinese already know that from their 50 years of operating nuclear attack subs.
But that won’t stop Defence objecting to the release of information that would otherwise be reasonable for the grant of social licence. It’s a department addicted to secrecy (how else are they going to keep their multi-billion dollar procurement blunders from public scrutiny).
A political ruseGreens Senator David Shoebridge offered his perspective on the Federal Government’s secrecy:
“The Albanese government isn’t worried that China will find out where they want to put another US nuclear submarine base, they are worried the Australian public will.
“The community of the Illawarra have already made it crystal clear that a nuclear submarine base has zero social licence to operate at Port Kembla.
“The other potential target for Defence is Newcastle, and with a growing revulsion there with the use of the Williamtown F35 hub to arm Israel’s genocide in Gaza, Labor knows that option is also deeply unpopular.
“Hiding these documents isn’t about preventing a foreign adversary from organising against Labor’s war plans, it’s about preventing the public opposing them.”
So, despite the NSW Government’s double backflip (which, despite them being cavalier in the first place, I do appreciate), it looks like I’ll have to keep fighting for transparency.
At least the backflips mean I’ll stand at the bar of NCAT with the NSW Government on my side of the argument. Meanwhile, we’ll all keep having to pay for both sets of lawyers, all necessary to keep politically sensitive topics from the public.
https://michaelwest.com.au/nuclear-subs-base-nsw-government-doesnt-know-what-to-hide-and-why/
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YOURDEMOCRACY.NET RECORDS HISTORY AS IT SHOULD BE — NOT AS THE WESTERN MEDIA WRONGLY REPORTS IT — SINCE 2005.
Gus Leonisky
POLITICAL CARTOONIST SINCE 1951.