Tuesday 24th of December 2024

the lady vanishes, more than ONE MILLION DEAD in yuckraine probably by now.....

Consortium News is an alternative, independent news source established in 1995 by Robert Parry, who passed away in 2018.  It is considered the first alternative investigative journalism internet news source.  Consortium News covers stories deeply and has been responsible for uncovering scandals and important information that was not found/covered by the mainstream media.

Read our profile on the United States government and media.

https://mediabiasfactcheck.com/consortium-news/

 

Funded by / Ownership

Consortium News is owned and published by the nonprofit Consortium for Independent Journalism. Donations generate revenue. Notable donors are Roger Waters, the rock musician of Pink Floyd fame, who contributed $25,000 in both 2020 and 2021. The New York-based Cloud Mountain Foundation has also donated $25,000 over the past several years. 

Analysis / Bias

Consortium News has articles that many on the right may consider left-biased: https://consortiumnews.com/2014/04/30/the-fat-cats-of-fast-food/

While also having articles the left won’t like: https://consortiumnews.com/2017/05/19/do-high-level-leaks-suggest-a-conspiracy/

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Robert Earle Parry (June 24, 1949 – January 27, 2018)[1] was an American investigative journalist. He was known for his role in covering the Iran–Contra affair for the Associated Press (AP) and Newsweek, including breaking the Psychological Operations in Guerrilla Warfare (CIA manual provided to the Nicaraguan contras) and the CIA involvement in Contra cocaine trafficking in the U.S. scandal in 1985.

He was awarded the George Polk Award for National Reporting in 1984 and the I.F. Stone Medal for Journalistic Independence by Harvard's Nieman Foundation in 2015. Parry was the editor of Consortium News (consortiumnews.com) from 1995 until his death in 2018.[2]

GUSNOTE: SO FAR CONSORTIUM NEWS HAS VANISHED.... 

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FROM https://www.newsguardtech.com/feedback/publisher/consortium-news-com/

ConsortiumNews.com

Joe Lauria, the editor-in-chief of ConsortiumNews.com, provided the following statement to NewsGuard in response to NewsGuard’s emailed questions about the site’s editorial practices. The response frequently quotes emails sent by NewsGuard analyst Zack Fishman, which have been indented for clarity. The site’s response is published here unedited. NewsGuard’s response to some of Consortium News’ comments are posted below the relevant section.

NewsGuard alleges that Consortium News has published “false content” by reporting that there was a U.S.-backed coup in Ukraine in 2014 and that neo-Nazis have significant influence in the country. 

You took issue with a: 

“February 2022 article ‘Ukraine: Guides to Reflection,’ [which] asserted, ‘Hence, the inflation of Russian behavior in Ukraine (where Washington organized a coup against a democratically elected government because we disliked its political complexion) … .’

You then wrote:  

“The U.S. supported the Maidan revolution that ousted then-Ukraine President Viktor Yanikovych (sic) in 2014 — including a December 2013 visit by John McCain to Kyiv in support of protesters — but there is no evidence that the U.S. ‘organized’ a ‘coup.’ Instead, it has the markings of a popular uprising, precipitated by widely covered protests against Yanukovych’s decision to suspend preparations for the signing of an association and free-trade agreement with the European Union.” 

Viktor Yanukovych was democratically elected as president of Ukraine in 2010 in an election certified by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, a fact not mentioned in NewsGuard’s writings on the change of government in Ukraine. Even though Yanukovych agreed to an EU political settlement and early elections, violence forced him to flee from the capital on Feb. 21, 2014. Reporting that the neo-Nazi Right Sector was at the forefront of the violent overthrow, The New York Times (green check) wrote earlier that day: 

“Dmytro Yarosh, the leader of Right Sector, a coalition of hard-line nationalist groups, reacted defiantly to news of the settlement, drawing more cheers from the crowd. 

‘The agreements that were reached do not correspond to our aspirations,’ he said. ‘Right Sector will not lay down arms. Right Sector will not lift the blockade of a single administrative building until our main demand is met — the resignation of Yanukovych.’ He added that he and his supporters were ‘ready to take responsibility for the further development of the revolution.’ The crowd shouted: ‘Good! Good!’

A study on the violence used to overthrow the government, by Prof. Serhiy Kudelia, a political scientist at Baylor University, says the overthrow succeeded because of “the embeddedness of violent groups” in a non-violent protest. The violence began on Dec. 1, 2013 when these violent groups attacked police with “iron chains, flares, stones and petrol bombs” and tried to ram a bulldozer through police lines. The police viciously fought back that day.  

As the International Business Times (IBT) (green check) wrote about these groups at the time: 

“According to a member of anti-fascist Union Ukraine, a group that monitors and fights fascism in Ukraine, ‘There are lots of nationalists here [EuroMaidan] including Nazis. They came from all over Ukraine, and they make up about 30% of protesters. 

Different groups [of anarchists] came together for a meeting on the Maidan. While they were meeting, a group of Nazis came in a larger group, they had axes and baseball bats and sticks, helmets, they said it was their territory. They called the anarchists things like Jews, blacks, communists. There weren’t even any communists, that was just an insult. The anarchists weren’t expecting this and they left. People with other political views can’t stay in certain places, they aren’t tolerated,’ a member of the group continued.”

The violence by far-right groups was evidently condoned by Sen. John McCain who expressed his support for the uprising by addressing the Maidan crowd later that month. Assistant Secretary of State Victoria Nuland and then U.S. ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt visited the square after the violence had broken out. 

NewsGuard’s account of the events of Feb. 21, 2014 says that even though Yanukovych agreed to the early elections, “angry protestors demanded Yanukovych’s immediate resignation,” and he fled on that day after “hundreds of police guarding government buildings abandoned their posts.” NewsGuard then says “protestors took control of several government buildings the next day.” 

Government Buildings Seized

But protestors had already seized government buildings as early as December 2013. On Jan. 24 protestors broke into the Agriculture Ministry building in Kiev and occupied it. On the same day barricades were set up near the presidential headquarters. Government buildings in the west of the country had also been occupied. The Guardian (green check) reported on Jan. 24:  

“There were dramatic developments in the west of the country on Thursday as hundreds of people forced their way into the office of the regional governor in the city of Lviv, and forced him to sign a resignation letter. Oleh Salo, a Yanukovych appointee in a city where support for the president is in the low single digits, later said he signed the letter under duress and was rescinding his resignation. 

Thousands also stormed regional administration headquarters in Rivne on Thursday, breaking down doors and demanding the release of people detained in the unrest there, Unian news agency reported. In the town of Cherkasy, 125 miles south of Kiev, about 1,000 protesters took over the first two floors of the main administration building and lit fires outside the building. 

Similar action took place in Ternopil, Ivano-Frankivsk and Khmelnytsky in western and central Ukraine, as well as parts of the north-east, the Party of the Regions said.” 

Protestors had begun occupying Kiev City Hall in December, with a portrait of Ukraine’s World War II fascist leader Stepan Bandera hanging from the rafters. On the night of Feb. 21, the leader of the Neo-fascist Right Sector, Andriy Parubiy, announced that the Verkhovna Rada (parliament), the Presidential Administration, the Cabinet of Ministers and the Ministry of Internal Affairs had all come under control of the protestors. 

Therefore NewsGuard has published “false content” by reporting that government buildings were occupied the day after Yanukovych fled the capital. It should print a correction. 

NewsGuard: We disagree that a correction is needed for our description of the Maidan uprising in our Misinformation Fingerprint, which Consortium News links to above and that debunked the claim “The West staged a coup to overthrow the Ukrainian government in 2014.” The Fingerprint’s statement that “Protesters took control of several government buildings the next day,” on Feb. 22, 2014, is consistent with reporting from other news outlets: For example, The New York Times reported in a January 2015 article, “Early on the morning of Saturday, Feb. 22, protesters, amazed to find streets empty of the police, took control of the presidential administration building, Mr. Yanukovych’s residence and other previously impregnable buildings by simply walking up to and through their front gates.” Also, the article that quoted Andriy Parubiy (who coordinated Maidan protesters but was never the leader of the Right Sector) was originally published at 12:36 a.m. local time on Feb. 22, 2014, and it does not clearly indicate that all government buildings came under the control of protestors exclusively on Feb. 21. Moreover, this detail is not relevant to the claim that the Maidan uprising was a U.S.-organized coup. 

On the day after Yanukovych fled, the Rada voted without the presence of Yanukovych’s party — the largest in the country — to impeach him after the fact of his violent overthrow. NewsGuard omitted the key fact that the impeachment vote was tainted by the absence of Yanukovych’s party and that the impeachment became largely irrelevant after violence forced him to flee the capital. 

Democratically-elected leaders are removed by electoral defeat, impeachment or votes of no confidence, not by violence.  NewsGuard writes that “hundreds of police guarding government buildings abandoned their posts” on the day Yanukovych was forced out, but doesn’t say why. As Jacobin (NewsGuard green check) magazine reports

“Whatever one thinks of the Maidan protests, the increasing violence of those involved was key to their ultimate victory. In response to a brutal police crackdown, protesters began fighting with chains, sticks, stones, petrol bombs, even a bulldozer — and, eventually, firearms, all culminating in what was effectively an armed battle in February, which left thirteen police officers and nearly fifty protesters dead. The police ‘could no longer defend themselves’ from protesters’ attacks,’ writes political scientist Sergiy Kudelia, causing them to retreat, and precipitating Yanukovych’s exit.”

NewsGuard calls the events a “revolution,” yet revolutions in history have typically been against monarchs or dictators, not against democratically-elected leaders. For instance, the 1776 American Revolution, the 1789 French Revolution, the 1917 Russian Revolution, the 1952 Egyptian Revolution, the 1979 Iranian Revolution and countless others were against monarchs. Coups have been against both elected and non-elected leaders. 

By any measure, Yanukovych’s ouster was an unconstitutional change in government. His “impeachment” without his party present for the vote came after government buildings had been seized and after violence drove him from the capital.  

Circumstantial Evidence

In its version of these events, NewsGuard only refers to circumstantial evidence of the coup, interpreting it as U.S. “support” for a “revolution” against a democratically elected president. 

NewsGuard fails to point out that McCain, Sen. Christopher Murphy (D-CT) as well as Nuland appeared on stage in the Maidan with Oleh Tyahnybok, leader of the Neo-fascist Svoboda Party, formerly known as the Social National Party. 

NewsGuard does not consider how such events would be seen in the United States if a senior Russian foreign ministry official, two leading Russian lawmakers and Russia’s ambassador to the U.S. appeared on stage with a far-right American leader to address a crowd on the Washington Mall seeking to oust an elected U.S. president. If that president were overthrown violently, would Americans think it Russian-backed the coup? 

NewsGuard discusses Nuland’s 2013 speech in which she revealed that since 1991 the U.S. had spent $5 billion to help bring about Ukraine’s “aspirations.” What it fails to point out is that U.S. aspirations were to turn Ukraine towards the West and away from Russia. And the U.S. had work to do. 

In a 2008 poll, 17 years after this U.S. effort began, and the year in which the U.S. said Ukraine would one day join NATO, 50 percent of Ukrainians actually opposed NATO membership against just 24.3 percent who favored it. A 2010 Gallup poll showed that 40 percent of Ukrainians viewed NATO as more threat than protector. Just 17 percent had the opposite view. So building up civil society through U.S.-funded NGOs to favor the West was the U.S. challenge.  

NewsGuard does not mention that part of the $5 billion the U.S. spent was to help organize protests. There was genuine popular dissatisfaction with Yanukovych that the NED nurtured and trained. Jacobin reported of the 2014 events: 

“US officials, unhappy with the scuttled EU deal, saw a similar chance in the Maidan protests. Just two months before they broke out, the NED’s then president, pointing to Yanukovych’s European outreach, wrote that “the opportunities are considerable, and there are important ways Washington could help.” 

In practice, this meant funding groups like New Citizen, which the Financial Times reported “played a big role in getting the protest up and running,” led by a pro EU opposition figure. Journalist Mark Ames discovered the organization had received hundreds of thousands of dollars from US democracy promotion initiatives.” 

The National Endowment for Democracy (NED), which funds NGOs in countries the U.S. targets for regime change, on Feb. 25, the day after the Russian invasion, deleted all projects in Ukraine it funded, which are archived here. The NED meddled in Ukrainian politics in 2004 in the so-called Orange Revolution. The Washington Post (green check) wrote in 1991 that what the C.I.A. once did in secret — destabilizing and overthrowing regimes —  the NED was now doing openly. 

C.I.A. or NED-led coups are never made up out of whole cloth. The U.S. works with genuine opposition movements within a country, sometimes popular uprisings, to finance, train and direct them. This U.S. has a long history of overthrowing foreign governments, the most infamous examples being Guatemala in 1952, Iran in 1953 and Chile in 1973. The long-time NED head, Carl Gerhsman, said in 2016 that the NED has been involved in Ukraine since the 1980’s and he praised the “overthrow of Yanukovych.”

Nuland-Pyatt Tape Omitted 

Most significantly, NewsGuard’s attempt to refute U.S. involvement in the coup omits the 2014 intercepted and leaked telephone call between Nuland and Pyatt (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MSxaa-67yGM), the then U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, in which the two discuss who will make up the new government weeks before Yanukovych was overthrown.  

On the leaked tape, Nuland and Pyatt talk about “midwifing” a new government; Vice President Joe Biden’s role, and setting up meetings with Ukrainian politicians to make it happen. Nuland says the prime minister should be Arseniy Yatsenyuk, and indeed he became prime minister after the coup. 

At the time, the BBC (green check) wrote of the leak: “The US says that it is working with all sides in the crisis to reach a peaceful solution, noting that ‘ultimately it is up to the Ukrainian people to decide their future’. However this transcript suggests that the US has very clear ideas about what the outcome should be and is striving to achieve these goals.” 

The U.S. State Department never denied the authenticity of the video, and even issued an apology to the European Union after Nuland is heard on the tape saying, “F*** the EU.” Mainstream media at the time focused almost exclusively on that off-color remark as a distraction from the greater significance of U.S. interference in Ukraine’s internal affairs.  

Why did Nuland say, “F*** the EU”? At the time she said it, France, Germany and Poland were working for the EU on a political settlement with Russia to the Maidan crisis that would leave Yanukovych in power.  

Indeed the E.U. brokered a deal with Yanukovych, who agreed to early elections by December, a restoration of the 2004 Constitution and an amnesty for all protestors, clearing the way for no one to be held responsible for the violent ouster. Yanukovych announced the agreement, with E.U. officials at his side in Kiev, on Feb. 21, 2014. Later that day he was violently driven from power. 

Leaving the historic role of the NED and the essential Nuland-Pyatt conversation out of its reporting is an omission of evidence by NewsGuard, typical of corporate media. Omitting crucial elements of a story changes its meaning and in this case undermines NewsGuard’s account of the events of 2014.  

This is an excellent example of why Parry started Consortium News: to report on crucial information that corporate media sometimes purposely and deceptively leave out to change the meaning of a story. NewsGuard should correct its story about the coup, not Consortium News.  

NewsGuard: Again, we disagree that a correction is required for our Misinformation Fingerprint debunking the claim “The West staged a coup to overthrow the Ukrainian government in 2014.” The information provided by Consortium News, including “the historical role of the NED and the essential Nuland-Pyatt conversation,” does not prove that the U.S. “organized” the Maidan uprising that led to Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych’s ouster in February 2014. 

Consortium News does not support its claims that “Part of the $5 billion the U.S. spent [in Ukraine from 1991 to 2013] was to help organize protests,” and that the National Endowment for Democracy “nutured [sic] and trained” “genuine popular dissatisfaction with Yanukovych.” The archived search of the NED grants database provided by Consortium News captured only grants to Ukrainian organizations dated 2016 or later, long after the Maidan protests of late 2013 and early 2014 occurred. Also, the Ukrainian organization New Citizen cited in the excerpt of the Jacobin article actually received $335,000 from Omidyar Network, a philanthropic investment firm not associated with the U.S. government that is run by eBay founder Pierre Omidyar and his wife.

Likewise, the leaked 2014 phone call between U.S. State Department official Victoria Nuland and U.S. ambassador to Ukraine Geoffrey Pyatt does not support the claim that the U.S. “organized” the Maidan uprising. Instead, the call captured the officials discussing their preferences among Ukrainian opposition leaders, making plans to communicate with an opposition leader and Yanukovych, and expressing discontent at the European Union’s response to Ukraine. Consortium News noted that Nuland’s preferred opposition leader, Arseniy Yatsenyuk, became Ukraine’s prime minister following Yanukovych’s ouster, but the call does not contain evidence that the U.S. played a significant role in his selection as prime minister, or in the supposed “coup,” as the articles claimed.

The other issues discussed by Consortium News, such as the involvement of far-right groups in the Maidan protests and the past involvement of the U.S. in overthrowing other governments, are not directly relevant to the claim that the U.S. “organized” the Maidan uprising that ousted Yanukovych.

Likely Reasons for the Coup 

Wall Street and Washington swept in after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 under a pliable Boris Yeltsin (who received direct U.S. help to win re-election in 1996) to asset-strip the formerly state-owned industries, enrich themselves and a new class of oligarchs, while impoverishing the former Soviet people. 

The ascension of Vladimir Putin to power on New Year’s Eve 1999 gradually began to curb U.S. influence in post-Soviet Russia, especially after Putin’s 2007 Munich Security Conference speech, in which he blasted U.S. unilateral aggression, especially in Iraq. 

Eventually Putin restored sovereignty over much of the Russian economy, turning Washington and Wall Street against him. (As President Joe Biden has now made clear on more than one occasion, the U.S. aim is to overthrow him.) 

In his 1997 book, The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives, former U.S. national security adviser ZbigniewBrzezinski wrote: 

“Ukraine, a new and important space on the Eurasian chessboard, is a geopolitical pivot because its very existence as an independent country helps to transform Russia. Without Ukraine, Russia ceases to be a Eurasian empire. Russia without Ukraine can still strive for imperial status, but it would then become a predominantly Asian imperial state.” 

Thus U.S. “primacy,” or world dominance, which still drives Washington, is not possible without control of Eurasia, as Brzezinski argued, and that’s not possible without control of Ukraine by pushing Russia out (U.S. takeover of Ukraine in the 2014 coup) and dominating Moscow as it did when this was written in the 1990s. 

Deep Western involvement in Ukrainian politics and economy never ended from those early post-Soviet days. When Yanukovych acted legally (the Rada authorized it) to reject the European Union association agreement in favor of a Russian economic package on better terms, it threatened to curtail Western economic involvement. Yanukovych became a marked man. 

Yanukovych had already made Russian an official language, he had rejected NATO membership, and reversed his pro Western predecessor’s move to glorify Nazi collaborators. Yanukovych’s predecessor, President Viktor Yuschenko, had made Ukraine’s World War II-era fascist leader Stepan Bandera a “Hero of Ukraine.” 

There was genuine popular dissatisfaction among mostly Western Ukrainians with Yanukovych, which intensified and became violent after he rejected the EU deal. Within months he was overthrown.  

After the Coup 

The U.S.-installed government in Kiev outlawed political parties, including the Communist Party, and stripped Russia as an official language. Yanukovych’s Party of the Regions was banned in several oblasts and eventually collapsed. An American citizen became finance minister and Vice President Joe Biden became Barack Obama’s virtual viceroy in Ukraine. 

Videos have emerged of Biden giving instructions to the nominal president at the time, Petro Poroshenko. By his own admission, (https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=UXA–dj2-CY) Biden forced the resignation of Viktor Shokin, Ukraine’s prosecutor general. 

Shokin testified under oath that he was about to investigate Burisma Holdings, the company on which the vice president’s son was given a lucrative board membership just months after the U.S.-backed coup. 

Biden, other U.S. officials, and the media at the time lied that Shokin was removed because he was corrupt. State Dept. memos released this year and published by Just the News (green-check) actually praise Shokin for his anti corruption work. The question of whether the leader of a foreign nation has the right remove another country’s prosecutor was buried.  

Eight days after nearly 50 anti-coup protestors in Odessa were burned to death on May 2, 2014 by far-right counter protestors dominated by Right Sector, the coup-resisting provinces of Luhansk and Donetsk in the Donbass region declared independence from Ukraine. Russia began assisting them and, after a visit to Kiev by then C.I.A. Director John Brennan, Poroshenko launched a war against the separatists that lasted eight years, killing thousands of civilians, until Russian intervened in the civil conflict in February. 

After the coup, NATO began arming, training and conducting exercises with the Ukrainian military, turning it into a de facto NATO member. These were not just the interests of part of Ukraine that were being served, but those of powerful foreign actors. It was akin to a 19th century-style colonial takeover of a country.  

Charge: Nazi Influence ‘Exaggerated’ 

The U.S. relationship with Ukrainian fascists began after the Second World War. During the war, units of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B) took part in the Holocaust, killing at least 100,000 Jews and Poles.  Mykola Lebed, a top aide to Stepan Bandera, the leader of the fascist OUN-B, was recruited by the C.I.A. after the war, according to a 2010 study by the U.S. National Archives. 

The government study said, “Bandera’s wing (OUN/B) was a militant fascist organization.” Bandera’s closest deputy, Yaroslav Stetsko, said: ““I…fully appreciate the undeniably harmful and hostile role of the Jews, who are helping Moscow to enslave Ukraine…. I therefore support the destruction of the Jews and the expedience of bringing German methods of exterminating Jewry to Ukraine….” 

The study says: “At a July 6, 1941, meeting in Lwów, Bandera loyalists determined that Jews ‘have to be treated harshly…. We must finish them off…. Regarding the Jews, we will adopt any methods that lead to their destruction.’” 

Lebed himself proposed to “’cleanse the entire revolutionary territory of the Polish population,’ so that a resurgent Polish state would not claim the region as in 1918.” Lebed was the “foreign minister” of a Banderite government in exile, but he later broke with Bandera for acting as a dictator. The U.S. Army Counterintelligence Corps termed Bandera “extremely dangerous” yet said he was “looked upon as the spiritual and national hero of all Ukrainians….” 

The C.I.A. was not interested in working with Bandera, pages 81-82 of the report say, but the British MI6 was. “MI6 argued, Bandera’s group was ‘the strongest Ukrainian organization abroad, is deemed competent to train party cadres, [and] build a morally and politically healthy organization….’” An early 1954 MI6 summary noted that, “the operational aspect of this [British] collaboration [with Bandera] was developing satisfactorily. Gradually a more complete control was obtained over infiltration operations … “ 

Britain ended its collaboration with Bandera in 1954. West German intelligence, under former Nazi intelligence chief Reinhard Gehlen, then worked with Bandera, who was eventually assassinated with cyanide dust by the KGB in Munich in 1959. 

Instead of Bandera, the C.I.A. was interested in Lebed, despite his fascist background. They set him up in an office in New York City from which he directed sabotage and propaganda operations on the agency’s behalf inside Ukraine against the Soviet Union. The U.S. government study says: 

“CIA operations with these Ukrainians began in 1948 under the cryptonym CARTEL, soon changed to AERODYNAMIC. … Lebed relocated to New York and acquired permanent resident status, then U.S. citizenship. It kept him safe from assassination, allowed him to speak to Ukrainian émigré groups, and permitted him to return to the United States after operational trips to Europe. Once in the United States, Lebed was the CIA’s chief contact for AERODYNAMIC. CIA handlers pointed to his ‘cunning character,’ his ‘relations with the Gestapo and … Gestapo training,’ that the fact that he was ‘a very ruthless operator.’” 

The C.I.A. worked with Lebed on sabotage and pro Ukrainian nationalist propaganda operations inside Ukraine until Ukraine’s independence in 1991. “Mykola Lebed’s relationship with the CIA lasted the entire length of the Cold War,” the study says. “While most CIA operations involving wartime perpetrators backfired, Lebed’s operations augmented the fundamental instability of the Soviet Union.”

Bandera Revival 

The U.S. thus covertly kept Ukrainian fascist ideas alive inside Ukraine until at least Ukrainian independence was achieved. “Mykola Lebed, Bandera’s wartime chief in Ukraine, died in 1998. He is buried in New Jersey, and his papers are located at the Ukrainian Research Institute at Harvard University,” the U.S. National Archives study says.

The successor organization to the OUN-B in the United States did not die with him, however. It had been renamed the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA), according to IBT.

“By the mid-1980s, the Reagan administration was honeycombed with UCCA members. Reagan personally welcomed [Yaroslav] Stetsko, the Banderist leader who oversaw the massacre of 7,000 Jews in Lviv, in the White House in 1983,” IBT reported. “Following the demise of Yanukovich’s regime, the UCCA helped organise rallies in cities across the US in support of the EuroMaidan protests,” it reported. 

That is a direct link between Maidan and WWII-era Ukrainian fascism.

Despite the U.S. favoring the less extreme Lebed over Bandera, the latter has remained the more inspiring figure in Ukraine.

In 1991, the first year of Ukraine’s independence, the Neo fascist Social National Party, later Svoboda Party, was formed, tracing its provenance directly to Bandera. It had a street named after Bandera in Liviv, and tried to name the city’s airport after him. (Svoboda won 10 percent of the Rada’s seats in 2012 before the coup and before McCain and Nuland appeared with its leader the following year.) 

In 2010, pro-Western Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko declared Bandera a Hero of Ukraine, a status reversed by Yanukovych, who was overthrown.  

More than 50 monuments, busts and museums commemorating Bandera have been erected in Ukraine, two-thirds of which have been built since 2005, the year the pro-American Yuschenko was elected. A Swiss academic study says: 

“On January 13, 2011, the L’vivs’ka Oblast’ Council, meeting at an extraordinary session next to the Bandera monument in L’viv, reacted to the abrogation [skasuvannya] of Viktor Yushchenko’s order about naming Stepan Bandera a ‘Hero of Ukraine” by affirming that ‘for millions of Ukrainians Bandera was and remains a Ukrainian Hero notwithstanding pitiable and worthless decisions of the courts’ and declaring its intention to rename ‘Stepan Bandera Street’ as ‘Hero of Ukraine Stepan Bandera Street.’”

Torchlit parades behind Bandera’s portrait are common in Ukrainian cities, particularly on Jan. 1, his birthday, including this year

Mainstream on Neo-Nazis 

From the start of the 2013-2014 events in Ukraine, Consortium News founder Robert Parry and other writers began providing the evidence NewsGuard says doesn’t exist, reporting extensively on the coup and the influential role of Ukraine’s neo-Nazis. At the time, corporate media also reported on the essential part neo Nazis played in the coup.  

As The New York Times reported, the neo-nazi group, Right Sector, had the key role in the violent ouster of Yanukovych. The role of Neo-fascist groups in the uprising and its influence on Ukrainian society was well reported by mainstream media outlets at the time.  

The BBC, the NYT, the Daily Telegraph and CNN all reported on Right Sector, C14 and other extremists’ role in the overthrow of Yanukovych. The BBC ran this report a week after his ouster:

[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5SBo0akeDMY]

And this one in July 2015:

[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sEKQsnRGv7s]

BBC links: 

BBC NEWS- Torch-lit March In Kiev By Ukraine’s Right-wing Svoboda Party – (2014)  

https://youtu.be/tHhGEiwCHZE

BBC NEWSNIGHT – Neo-Nazi threat in new Ukraine (2014):  https://youtu.be/5SBo0akeDMY 

BBC – Ukraine conflict: ‘White power’ warrior from Sweden (2014): https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-28329329 

BBC – Ukraine underplays role of far right in conflict (2014):  https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-30414955

BBC News – Ukraine’s most-feared volunteers (2015):  https://youtu.be/qe-q1DFbYwo 

BBC Newsnight – The far-right group threatening to overthrow Ukraine’s government – (2015):  

https://youtu.be/tHhGEiwCHZE

After the coup a number of ministers in the new government came from Neo-fascist parties. NBC News (green check) reported in March 2014: “Svoboda, which means ‘Freedom,’ was given almost a quarter of the Cabinet positions in the interim government formed after the ouster of President Viktor Yanukovych in February.” 

Svoboda’s leader, Tyahnybok, whom McCain and Nuland stood on stage with, once called for the liberation of Ukraine from the “Muscovite-Jewish mafia.” The International Business Times reported: 

“In 2005 Tyahnybok signed an open letter to then Ukrainain president Viktor Yushchenko urging him to ban all Jewish organisations, including the Anti Defamation League, which he claimed carried out ‘criminal activities [of] organised Jewry’, ultimately aimed at the genocide of the Ukrainian people.” 

Before McCain and Nuland embraced Tyahnybok and his social national party, it was condemned by the European Parliament, which said in 2012:

“[Parliament] recalls that racist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic views go against the EU’s fundamental values and principles and therefore appeals to pro democratic parties in the Verkhovna Rada [Ukraine’s legislature] not to associate with, endorse, or form coalitions with this party.” 

Such mainstream reports on Banderism have stopped as the Neo-fascist role in Ukraine was suppressed in Western media once Putin made “de-nazification” a goal of the invasion.  

The Azov Battalion, which arose during the coup, became a significant force in the war against the Russian-speaking people of the Donbass, who resisted the coup. Its commander, Andriy Biletsky, infamously said Ukraine’s mission is to “lead the White Races of the world in a final crusade for their survival … against the Semite-led Untermenschen.” 

In 2014 the now Azov Regiment was officially incorporated into Ukraine’s National Guard under the control of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. It is further integrated into the state by working closely with the SBU intelligence service. Azov is the only known Neo-fascist component in a nation’s military anywhere in the world.  

As part of the Ukraine military, Azov members have still sported yellow arm bands (until this week) with the Wolfsangel once worn by German SS troops in World War II. Including the atrocities it has continued to commit, Azov shows the world that integration into the state has not denazified them. On the contrary, it may have increased its influence on the state.

The U.S. and NATO have also trained and armed Azov since Barack Obama had denied lethal aid to Ukraine. One reason Obama declined sending arms to Ukraine was because he was afraid they may fall into these right-wing extremists’ hands. According to the green-checked New York Times, “Mr. Obama continues to pose questions indicating his doubts. ‘O.K., what happens if we send in equipment — do we have to send in trainers?’ said one person paraphrasing the discussion on the condition of anonymity. ‘What if it ends up in the hands of thugs? What if Putin escalates?” 

NewsGuard’s Objections 

NewsGuard’s argument against the major influence of neo-Nazi groups in Ukraine rests on Neo-fascist political parties faring poorly at the polls. This ignores the stark fact that these groups engage instead in extra-parliamentary extremism. 

In your charge against Consortium News for publishing “false content” about Neo-fascism in Ukraine, you wrote: 

“There isn’t evidence that Nazism has a substantial influence in Ukraine. Radical far-right groups in Ukraine do represent a ‘threat to the democratic development of Ukraine,’ according to 2018 Freedom House report. But it also stated that far-right extremists have poor political representation in Ukraine and no plausible path to power — for example, in the 2019 parliamentary elections, the far-right nationalist party Svoboda won 2.2 percent of the vote, while the Svoboda candidate, Ruslan Koshulynskyy, won just 1.6 percent of the vote in the presidential election.” 

But this argument of focusing on elections results has been dismissed by a number of mainstream sources, not least of which is the Atlantic Council, probably the most anti-Russian think tank in the world. In a 2019 article, a writer for the Atlantic Council said: 

“To be clear, far-right parties like Svoboda perform poorly in Ukraine’s polls and elections, and Ukrainians evince no desire to be ruled by them. But this argument is a bit of ‘red herring.’ It’s not extremists’ electoral prospects that should concern Ukraine’s friends, but rather the state’s unwillingness or inability to confront violent groups and end their impunity. Whether this is due to a continuing sense of indebtedness to some of these groups for fighting the Russians or fear they might turn on the state itself, it’s a real problem and we do no service to Ukraine by sweeping it under the rug.” [Emphasis added.] 

“Fear that they might turn on the state itself,” acknowledges the powerful leverage these groups have over the government. The Atlantic Council piece then underscores how influential these groups are: 

“It sounds like the stuff of Kremlin propaganda, but it’s not. Last week Hromadske Radio revealed that Ukraine’s Ministry of Youth and Sports is funding the neo-Nazi group C14 to promote ‘national patriotic education projects’ in the country. On June 8, the Ministry announced that it will award C14 a little less than $17,000 for a children’s camp. It also awarded funds to Holosiyiv Hideout and Educational Assembly, both of which have links to the far-right. The revelation represents a dangerous example of law enforcement tacitly accepting or even encouraging the increasing lawlessness of far-right groups willing to use violence against those they don’t like. 

Since the beginning of 2018, C14 and other far-right groups such as the Azov-affiliated National Militia, Right Sector, Karpatska Sich, and others have attacked Roma groups several times, as well as anti fascist demonstrations, city council meetings, an event hosted by Amnesty International, art exhibitions, LGBT events, and environmental activists. On March 8, violent groups launched attacks against International Women’s Day marchers in cities across Ukraine. In only a few of these cases did police do anything to prevent the attacks, and in some they even arrested peaceful demonstrators rather than the actual perpetrators.” 

The Atlantic Council is not the only anti-Russian outfit that recognizes the dangerous power of the Neo-fascist groups in Ukraine. Bellingcat published an alarming 2018 article headlined, “Ukrainian Far-Right Fighters, White Supremacists Trained by Major European Security Firm.” 

NATO has also trained the Azov Regiment, directly linking the U.S. with far-right Ukrainian extremists.

The Hill reported in 2017 in an article headlined, “The reality of neo-Nazis in Ukraine is far from Kremlin propaganda,” that: 

“Some Western observers claim that there are no neo Nazi elements in Ukraine, chalking the assertion up to propaganda from Moscow. Unfortunately, they are sadly mistaken. 

There are indeed neo-Nazi formations in Ukraine. This has been overwhelmingly confirmed by nearly every major Western outlet. The fact that analysts are able to dismiss it as propaganda disseminated by Moscow is profoundly disturbing. 

Azov’s logo is composed of two emblems — the wolfsangel and the Sonnenrad — identified as neo Nazi symbols by the Anti-Defamation League. The wolfsangel is used by the U.S. hate group Aryan Nations, while the Sonnenrad was among the neo-Nazi symbols at this summer’s deadly march in Charlottesville. 

Azov’s neo-Nazi character has been covered by the New York Times, the Guardian, the BBC, the Telegraph and Reuters, among others. On-the ground journalists from established Western media outlets have written of witnessing SS runes, swastikas, torchlight marches, and Nazi salutes. They interviewed Azov soldiers who readily acknowledged being neo-Nazis. They filed these reports under unambiguous headlines such as “How many neo-Nazis is the U.S. backing in Ukraine?” and “Volunteer Ukrainian unit includes Nazis.”

How is this Russian propaganda? 

The U.N. and Human Rights Watch have accused Azov, as well as other Kiev battalions, of a litany of human rights abuses.” 

Neo-facism has infected Ukrainian popular culture as well. A half-dozen neo-Nazi music groups held a concert in 2019 commemorating the day Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union. Amnesty International in 2019 warned that “Ukraine is sinking into a chaos of uncontrolled violence posed by radical groups and their total impunity. Practically no one in the country can feel safe under these conditions.”

Zelensky & Neo-Nazis

One of Ukraine’s most powerful oligarchs from the early 1990s, Ihor Kolomoisky, was an early financial backer of the Neo-Nazi Azov Battalion. According to a 2015 Reuters (green-checked) report

“Many of these paramilitary groups are accused of abusing the citizens they are charged with protecting. Amnesty International has reported that the Aidar battalion — also partially funded by Kolomoisky — committed war crimes, including illegal abductions, unlawful detention, robbery, extortion and even possible executions.

Other pro-Kiev private battalions have starved civilians as a form of warfare, preventing aid convoys from reaching separatist-controlled areas of eastern Ukraine, according to the Amnesty report.

Some of Ukraine’s private battalions have blackened the country’s international reputation with their extremist views. The Azov battalion, partially funded by Taruta and Kolomoisky, uses the Nazi Wolfsangel symbol as its logo, and many of its members openly espouse neo-Nazi, anti-Semitic views. The battalion members have spoken about “bringing the war to Kiev,” and said that Ukraine needs “a strong dictator to come to power who could shed plenty of blood but unite the nation in the process.” 

In April 2019, the F.B.I. began investigating Kolomoisky for alleged financial crimes in connection with his steel holdings in West Virginia and northern Ohio. In August 2020 the U.S. Department of Justice filed civil forfeiture complaints against him and a partner: 

“The complaints allege that Ihor Kolomoisky and Gennadiy Boholiubov, who owned PrivatBank, one of the largest banks in Ukraine, embezzled and defrauded the bank of billions of dollars. The two obtained fraudulent loans and lines of credit from approximately 2008 through 2016, when the scheme was uncovered, and the bank was nationalized by the National Bank of Ukraine. The complaints allege that they laundered a portion of the criminal proceeds using an array of shell companies’ bank accounts, primarily at PrivatBank’s Cyprus branch, before they transferred the funds to the United States. As alleged in the complaint, the loans were rarely repaid except with more fraudulently obtained loan proceeds.” 

Meanwhile, the Azov backer’s television channel had by this time aired the hit TV show Servant of the People (2015-2019), which catapulted Volodymyr Zelensky to fame and ultimately into the presidency under the new Servant of the People Party. The former actor and comedian’s presidential campaign was bankrolled by Kolomoisky, according to multiple reports, including this one by Radio Free Europe (not rated). 

During the presidential campaign, Politico reported: 

“Kolomoisky’s media outlet also provides security and logistical backup for the comedian’s campaign, and it has recently emerged that Zelenskiy’s legal counsel, Andrii Bohdan, was the oligarch’s personal lawyer. Investigative journalists have also reported that Zelenskiy traveled 14 times in the past two years to Geneva and Tel Aviv, where Kolomoisky is based in exile.” 

Before their run-off election, Petro Poroshenko called Zelensky “Kolomoisky’s puppet.” According to the Pandora Papers, Zelensky stashedfunds he received from Kolomoisky off shore.

During the campaign Zelensky was asked about Bandera. He said it was “cool” that many Ukrainians consider Bandera a hero.  

[https://twitter.com/21stCenturyWire/status/1517014472291872768]

Zelensky was elected president on the promise of ending the Donbass war. About seven months into his term he traveled to the front line in Donbass to tell Ukrainian troops, where Azov is well-represented, to lay down their arms. Instead he was sent packing. The Kyiv Post (green check) reported

“When one veteran, Denys Yantar, said they had no arms and wanted instead to discuss protests against the planned disengagement that had taken place across Ukraine, Zelensky became furious. 

‘Listen, Denys, I’m the president of this country. I’m 41 years old. I’m not a loser. I came to you and told you: remove the weapons. Don’t shift the conversation to some protests,’ Zelensky said, videos of the exchange show. As he said this, Zelensky aggressively approached Yantar, who heads the National Corps, a political offshoot of the far-right Azov volunteer battalion, in Mykolaiv city.

‘But we’ve discussed that,’ Yantar said. 

‘I wanted to see understanding in your eyes. But, instead, I saw a guy who’s decided that this is some loser standing in front of him,’ Zelensky said.” 

It was a demonstration of the power of the military, including the Azov Regiment, over the civilian president. 

After the Russian invasion, Zelensky was asked in April by Fox News about Azov, which were later defeated in Mariupol. “They are what they are,” he responded. “They were defending our country.” He then tries to say because they are part of the military they are somehow no longer Neo-Nazis, though they still wear Nazi insignia (until Tuesday). (Fox’s YouTube post removed that question from the interview, but it is preserved here (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bltsSD8QtU4): 

Outrages Greek Officials

Also in April, Zelensky infuriated two former Greek prime ministers and other officials by inviting a member of the Azov Regiment to address the Greek Parliament. Alexis Tsipras, a former premier and leader of the main opposition party, SYRIZA-Progressive Alliance, blasted the appearance of the Azov fighters before parliament. 

“Solidarity with the Ukrainian people is a given. But nazis cannot be allowed to speak in parliament,” Tsipras said on social media. “The speech was a provocation.” He said Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis “bears full responsibility. … He talked about a historic day but it is a historical shame.”  

Former Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras called the Azov video being played in parliament a “big mistake.” Former Foreign Affairs Minister Nikos Kotzias said: “The Greek government irresponsibly undermined the struggle of the Ukrainian people, by giving the floor to a Nazi. The responsibilities are heavy. The government should publish a detailed report of preparation and contacts for the event.” 

Former Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis’ MeRA25 party said Zelenky’s appearance turned into a “Nazi fiesta.” 

Zelensky has also not rebuked his ambassador to Germany, Andrij Melnyk, for visiting Bandera’s grave in Munich, which provoked this reaction from a German MP: “Anyone like Melnik who describes the Nazi collaborator Bandera as ‘our hero’ and makes a pilgrimage to his grave or defends the right-wing Azov Battalion as ‘brave’ is actually still benevolently described as a ‘Nazi sympathizer.’”

Zelensky has closed media outlets and outlawed 11 political parties, including the largest one, Eurosceptic Opposition Platform for Life (OPZZh) and arrested its leader. None of the 11 shut down are far-right parties. 

Donald Trump was rightly castigated for remarks he made about white supremecists in Charlottesville. But Zelensky, whose oligarch backer funded Azov, and who brought a Neo-Nazi to address a European Parliament, is given a pass by a Democratic administration and the U.S. media though he condones the far worse problem of Neo-fascism in Ukraine.  

‘Infested’  

You took issue with similar phrases that appear in Consortium News articles by columnist Patrick Lawrence, and by legendary journalist John Pilger. Lawrence refers to the Ukrainian government as a “Nazi infested regime” and Pilger to the “the coup regime, infested with neo-Nazis.”NewsGuard objects to this characterization because the political wings of violent neo-Nazi groups fare poorly in Ukrainian elections.

You wrote: 

“The March 2022 article ‘PATRICK LAWRENCE: Imperial Infantilism’ stated: ‘Now the names we have for Putin roll around among like pinballs. ‘Hitler’ has fallen somewhat out of fashion, the hyperbole having proven too silly, or maybe because NATO is now arming a Nazi infested regime,’ which was a reference to the Ukrainian government. 

The February 2022 article “John Pilger: War in Europe & the Rise of Raw Propaganda” stated: “Vladimir Putin refers to the ‘genocide’ in the eastern Donbass region of Ukraine. Following the coup in Ukraine in 2014 – orchestrated by former U.S. President Barack Obama’s ‘point person’ in Kyiev, Victoria Nuland – the coup regime, infested with neo-Nazis, launched a campaign of terror against Russian-speaking Donbass, which accounts for a third of Ukraine’s population.” This article makes the claims similar to the ones highlighted in the previous … articles, and are seemingly false for the same reasons.” 

One can quibble over whether “infested” is the best choice of words, but it is clear that the Ukrainian state has long protected influential Neo-Nazism. Consortium News gives a wide latitude to columnists and commentators like Lawrence and Pilger, both vastly experienced journalists, to express themselves. There is no doubt about the outsized influence of Neo-fascism in Ukrainian society and government, especially since the events of 2014.  

NewsGuard’s dismissal of the influence of Neo-fascism by looking only at election results completely misses the point. you has demanded CN correct its reporting on neo-Nazism in Ukraine. But you’s statement that “There isn’t evidence that Nazism has a substantial influence in Ukraine” should instead be corrected by NewsGuard. 

NewsGuard: We disagree that the statement is incorrect. The many anecdotes provided by Consortium News about Ukrainian far-right groups and the Ukrainian government do not support the claim that the Ukrainian government is “infested” with neo-Nazis — which can be reasonably taken to mean that a large number of people in the government are neo-Nazis or are sympathetic to the fascist ideology, or that neo-Nazi groups exert significant control over the government. The examples provided, including the government providing just under $17,000 to a neo-Nazi group for a children’s camp and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky showing a video of an Azov Regiment member to the Greek Parliament, are not evidence of an “infestation” of neo-Nazis in the country’s government. Consortium News claimed that the Azov Regiment “may have increased its influence on the state” after joining Ukraine’s National Guard, but it did not provide evidence of that influence.

Many other issues discussed by Consortium News, such as the Azov Battalion receiving training from Western countries and organizations and the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America organizing U.S. protests in favor of the Maidan protests, are not directly relevant to the claim of a neo-Nazi-infested Ukrainian government.

The ‘G’ Word 

You also took exception to the use of the word “genocide” in two Consortium News articles published about Ukraine. 

“I also found some instances where Consortium News appeared to publish false or misleading claims, and I’d like to get your comments on them. I’ve listed some examples and provided brief explanations on why they seem to be false: 

The March 2022 article ‘A Proposed Solution to the Ukraine War’ stated: ‘The government of Ukraine has denied human rights and political self-determination to the peoples of the Donbass. Some 13,000 people have died during the eight years since the 2014 coup, according to the United Nations. The Ukrainian government has overtly genocidal policies toward Russian minorities.’ 

The February 2022 article “John Pilger: War in Europe & the Rise of Raw Propaganda” stated: ‘Vladimir Putin refers to the “genocide” in the eastern Donbass region of Ukraine. Following the coup in Ukraine in 2014 … the coup regime … launched a campaign of terror against Russian-speaking Donbass, which accounts for a third of Ukraine’s population.” 

You went on: 

“The International Criminal Court, the Office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) have all said they have found no evidence of a genocide in Donbas. For example, A 2016 report by the International Criminal Court found that the acts of violence allegedly committed by the Ukrainian authorities in 2013 and 2014 could constitute an ‘attack directed against a civilian population,’ but it also said that’“the information available did not provide a reasonable basis to believe that the attack was systematic or widespread.’ 

And the U.S. Mission to OSCE stated in a February 2022 Twitter post, ‘The SMM [Special Monitoring Mission] has complete access to the government controlled areas of Ukraine and HAS NEVER reported anything remotely resembling Russia’s claims [of genocide in Ukraine].’” 

Genocide is defined in the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, ratified by 153 nations. The conventionsays: 

“In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

(a) Killing members of the group; 

(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; 

(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; 

(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.” 

The Convention adds: 

“The following acts shall be punishable: 

(a) Genocide; 

(b) Conspiracy to commit genocide;

(c) Direct and public incitement to commit genocide;

(d) Attempt to commit genocide; 

(e) Complicity in genocide.” 

Based on the convention, an argument for and against genocide in Donbass could be made. The Ukraine military and extreme right militias have undoubtedly carried out attacks on civilians who, by reason of their language and religion, constitute a separate ethnic group. Points (a) and (b) of the definition are certainly true, (c) and (d) are questionable. The question of “intent” is crucial. Have the Ukrainian authorities had the “intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group”?  

The charge of “genocide” is thrown about by political opponents with less than due care to its actual definition. For instance, Biden and Zelensky have both accused Russia of “genocide” in its ongoing military operation. There is no defined number of civilian deaths that constitute an intent to destroy a people “in part.” Three months after the Russian invasion, the OSCE reports around 4,000 civilians killed. Both sides are shooting and killing civilians. 

It is a judgement call whether genocide has taken place. The ICC report, referred to by you, says Ukraine’s military action against Donbass could “constitute” an “attack directed against a civilian population,” but the ICC’s judgement about genocide was not definitive as it was based on “the information available.”  

His second reference does not come from the OSCE itself, but from the U.S. mission to the OSCE, undercutting its objectivity since it is a narrow, national view from a country with a distinct political interest in events in Ukraine. 

Consortium News has not taken a position that genocide was committed in Donbass. These are the only references made to genocide in Donbass and both CN articles are clearly labeled as commentaries with the disclaimer: “The views expressed are solely those of the author and may or may not reflect those of Consortium News.“ 

Pilger only says that Putin “refers to genocide,” while Pilger himself calls it “a campaign of terror against Russian speaking Donbass.” 

Consortium News did not endorse the judgment of these two commentators as it often publishes material with which it does not share editorial positions, not unlike liberal New York Times publishing conservative columnists. Genocide in the context of Donbass is an arguable point, and therefore CN published these commentaries. , 

A History of Dissent

The United States was founded by dissenters. The Declaration of Independence is one of history’s most significant dissenting documents, inspiring people seeking freedom around the world, from the French revolutionists to Ho Chi Minh, who based Vietnam’s declaration of independence from France on the American declaration.  

But over the centuries a corrupt centralization of American power seeking to maintain and expand its authority has at times sought to crush the very principle of dissent which was written into the United States Constitution. 

Freedom to dissent was first threatened by the second president. Just eight years after the adoption of the Bill of Rights, press freedom had become a threat to John Adams,  whose Federalist Party pushed through Congress the Alien and Sedition Laws. They criminalized criticism of the federal government. 

The Union then shut down newspapers during the U.S. Civil War.  

Woodrow Wilson came within one vote in the Senate of creating official government censorship in the 1917 Espionage Act. The 1918 Alien and Sedition Act that followed jailed hundreds of people for speech until it was repealed in 1921. 

Since the 1950s, McCarthyism has become the byword for one of the worst periods of repression of dissent in U.S. history. 

The closest we’ve come to Wilson’s troubling dream is the Biden administration’s Disinformation Governance Board under the Department of Homeland Security, now on hold.  

The roots are in the earliest English settlers in North America, described in The Scarlet Letter and applied to McCarthyism in Arthur Miller’s The Crucible. Though its industrial and scientific achievements are most lauded, America’s tradition of dissent is probably the greatest thing in U.S. history and it is once again under threat. 

The Current Climate 

NewsGuard’s accusations against Consortium News that could potentially limit its readership and financial support must be seen in the context of the West’s war mania over Ukraine, about which dissenting voices are being suppressed. Three CN writers have been kicked off  Twitter.  

PayPal’s cancellation of Consortium News‘ account is an evident attempt to defund it for what is almost certainly the company’s view that CN violated its restrictions on “providing false or misleading information.” It cannot be known with 100 percent certainty because PayPal is hiding behind its reasons, but CN trades in information and nothing else.  

CN supports no side in the Ukraine war but seeks to examine the causes of the conflict within its recent historical context, all of which are being whitewashed from mainstream Western media. 

Those causes are: NATO’s expansion eastward despite its promise not to; the coup and 8-year war on Donbass against coup resisters; the lack of implementation of the Minsk Accords to end that conflict; and the outright rejection of treaty proposals by Moscow to create a new security architecture in Europe taking Russia’s security concerns into account.  

Historians who point out the onerous Versailles conditions imposed on Germany after World War I as a cause of Nazism and World War II are neither excusing Nazi Germany nor are they smeared as its defenders. 

Consortium News can be wrong at times, but never as wrong as mainstream media was on WMD in Iraq or Russiagate. CN got both those consequential stories right while they were happening, and contends it is correct in its analysis of the Ukraine crisis. In any case, it is entitled to its analysis. On Iraq, Russiagate and Ukraine, Consortium News has clashed with the conventional wisdom forged by powerful forces and its corporate media allies. In response CN has been repeatedly smeared as agents of Iraq and Russia.  

An overly self-confident Western establishment cannot appear to understand how experienced Western journalists could exercise their own agency and editorial judgment to critique U.S. foreign policy in real time, without them being agents of a foreign power. Consortium News suedthe Canadian television network Global News for publishing such a smear. 

It is evidently not enough for powerful forces to simply disagree and respect CN‘s constitutional right to free speech. 

Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes in Abrams v. United States wrote: “[T]hat the ultimate good desired is better reached by free trade in ideas—that the best test of truth is the power of the thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market…That at any rate is the theory of our Constitution.” Justice Louis Brandeis added in Whitney v. California that the remedy for ill-conceived speech is more speech, not enforced silence. 

NewsGuard’s review of Consortium News and other independent media is a test case: Can the U.S. establishment tolerate dissent or is it joining the tradition of Adams and Wilson to crush it?

 

https://www.newsguardtech.com/feedback/publisher/consortium-news-com/

 

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         Gus Leonisky

 

 

just for fun....

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WFf0ecM5k0A

Gutfeld: The guys who plays 'Shazam!' tells Whoopi to scram

 

 

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even a lie....

 

“Tell Me Something, Tell Me Anything, Even If It’s a Lie”

 

 

Fewer people in the world had access to the personal moments experienced by Steve Wasserman, Heyday Books publisher, former LA Times Book Review editor and former editor at several of the nation’s most prominent book publishing houses. In his latest book, “Tell Me Something, Tell Me Anything, Even If It’s a Lie,” he details his close encounters with a handful of some of the most significant people in the 20th century, including Jackie Kennedy, Susan Sontag, Christopher Hitchens, Gore Vidal, Barbra Streisand, Huey Newton and others.

Wasserman describes these accounts, or portraits, as focusing on people who “inspired me to do what I could, however modestly, to live a life of passionate engagement.”

From the intimate details of a lunch with Jackie O to a deathbed conversation with writer and journalist Hitchens, Wasserman features a multitude of essays that cover a range of issues from politics to literature to culture and life. One memory of Wasserman included how he “never experienced Susan Sontag as a hostage to nostalgia.” Wasserman found inspiration in that and thought “it was a great, great lesson not to become pickled in your own prejudices such that you couldn’t be open to the world.”

Scheer attests that these portraits are brilliant, especially when dealing with controversial figures. He tells Wasserman, “These are famous intellectuals, but you humanize them, and you involve your own criticism.”

CreditsHost:

Robert Scheer

Producer:

Joshua Scheer

Video Producer:

Max Jones

Introduction:

Diego Ramos

Transcript

This transcript was produced by an automated transcription service. Please refer to the audio interview to ensure accuracy.

Robert Scheer  

Hi, this is Robert Scheer with another edition of Scheer Intelligence, where the intelligence comes from, my guest, and in this case, someone, as I met when he was in high school, full disclaimer. It’s Steve Wasserman. The book is called, “Tell Me Something, Tell Me Anything, Even If It’s a Lie.” That is one of the more honest statements that any reporter could ever make. Tell me something, something I could work into a story. And if it’s a lie, I’ll work around it. I’ll challenge it, what have you. But let’s get awake here. This is a book that you will not sleep through. It’s, I will say, a great read. And let me first of all say, Yes, I have a bias here. I am thanked in the dedication, along with the famous Christopher Hitchens and Susan Sontag, it’s great company to be in. And I first met Steve when he was a high school student. He ended up being a researcher with me and coming to the LA Times when I worked. Obviously, I’ve known him a long time, and I actually grew up in the Bronx, near his parents. So I have some loyalty, although he grew up in a rural town in Oregon, where he points out he was in the only Jewish family in this small rural area, and his father then was working for [inaudible], the big engineering company. But the great thing about this book is it kind of summarizes Steve Wasserman’s lifelong love affair and deep involvement with books, books that some people think are threatened, that may not exist, who’s going to read them, and he’s embraced actually a form of book publishing that publishers don’t necessarily embrace. He published this. He’s now the head of heyday books, which just celebrated its 50th anniversary, very famous, smaller book publishing based in Berkeley, California. And the book is a collection of essays, but they weave together as an incredible memoir. I think I’m hoping Steve will write a full blown memoir, and anybody reading this book would probably encourage him to do that, but it works as a seamless essay, or really, what the hell has happened in our world, not just in writing and reporting on it, but our world going back, certainly to the early 60s. And I’m going to let Steve take it here, but I hope he will quote from some of these portraits. They’re brilliant portraits, and maybe we’ll begin with a controversial person like Christopher Hitchens or even Susan Sontag. These are famous intellectuals, but you humanize them, and you involve your own criticism. So take it away, Steve.

Steve Wasserman  

Well, I have put together 30 of the essays I have written over the last 40 or 45 years, I have made my living as an editor and publisher, a kind of midwife to the birth of ideas of others, but along the way, I from time to time, delivered an essay, yes, an attempt to try to understand the currents and complexities of the times I was living through, and of some of the issues that pressed upon me with acute pressure, whether it was working within mainstream publishing as an editorial director of An imprint of Random House, or later directing a a small publisher within the framework of Farah Strauss and Drew and I really have attempted having a seat at many around the table of publishing general in jet in general. I’ve worked as the editor of the LA Times Book Review, as the deputy editor of their Sunday opinion section op ed page. And I really had a chance to work, as it were, almost every station in the publishing kitchen. And now I have put together, trying to make sense of all of this, a kind of memoir in essays. And I leaven the chapters with portraits of people I came to know you among them, who were very influential and who inspired me to do what I could, however modestly, to live a life of passionate engagement. And that has given me enormous pleasure and has inspired me throughout five decades of a so called career. I never had any five year plans, but I seemed constantly, whether by virtue of the great God of serendipity or my own temperament, to stumble into geniuses, and I tried to learn from them.

Robert Scheer  

So to introduce us to these geniuses. Sometimes they could be a pain in the ass, you know, hard to work with and so forth. And sometimes they would become the centers of major controversy. I mean, Gore Vidal is one of those geniuses that you describe. Jason Epstein, a great publisher, Jackie Onassis, amazingly enough. Why don’t we begin with Jackie Onassis. How the hell did you get involved with her, and why is she in this book? Is she one of the geniuses, or just an amazingly interesting person. For people who don’t remember her, she was married to our president at one point.

Steve Wasserman  

I would call her an astonishingly engaging and terrific personality. Maybe it will help the listener if they get take the temperature of the pitch and roll of my own sentences. So if you’ll indulge me, I’ll read you a bit of that essay. “It’s called scallops with Jackie.” Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis will be remembered by most Americans as the remarkable first lady. She was elegant, beautiful, stoic by any measure. She was a heroic woman, and the trajectory of her life compels our respect. I shall remember her, however, less for her public persona than for her private accomplishments, first and foremost as an editor for many years at Doubleday for it was in that rather invisible capacity that the Republic of Letters had a most passionate Tribune. I first met Jackie, as she insisted I call her, soon after I became executive editor of Doubleday in the fall of 1989 one day, she asked me to meet with her in her office. She wanted to know what books I was reading and what books I might suggest she read. Her voice was a beguiling rush of breath as we spoke of favorite authors, the sorry state of literacy in America, the decline of generosity in our country’s political culture, I was charmed. The most famous woman in the world was utterly without pretension. Her commitment to ideas and culture, serious and sincere. This was a side unknown to most people, despite the best efforts of the tabloid press to prudently expose every aspect of this very private woman. But as ever, Jackie, as she had so indelibly demonstrated in the aftermath of John F Kennedy’s assassination in 1963 conducted herself with consummate grace and dignity, except for a brief interview given to the editor of Publishers Weekly. She never spoke to the press, but for authors in the book beside it, she had all the time in the world. Her interests were eclectic. I envied her range among the books she edited were the enormously successful moonwalk by Michael Jackson, the Empire of the Tsar, a journey through eternal Russia by the 19th century French aristocrat, the marquis dugistan, The Diary of a Napoleonic foot soldier by Jakob Walter, the only account she wrote me of a common soldier in the Napoleonic Wars. And I remember Balanchine a biography of one of the greatest artists of the 20th century. Her taste, dedication and commercial savvy commanded respect from her colleagues. I saw a through line in the books she had acquired and edited. She concentrated on works by dancers, on Hollywood, on courtly life, and on myth. And many of her books were about being the exotic bird in a gilded cage. The bird wants to escape, but can’t, and so over time, resigns itself to being always on view. And I thought the books reflected her life, a life that had required remarkable self discipline and rigor not to let the private woman become tainted by the public persona. They were about the rituals and ablutions necessary to perform in that gilded cage, as well as the almost superhuman compartmentalization needed to keep secrets. The most significant theme in the book she published was the hard work that went into the fashioning of a seemingly effortless, stylized outward appearance. The theme in her list was also a theme of her life. One day at lunch, over scallop salads, of the four plump scallops on her plate, she ate only three. We talked shop, but as was usually the case with Jackie, we found ourselves plunged deeply into a dissection of the country’s propensity toward violence, the fracturing of the social consensus, the erosion of citizenship. Suddenly, she turned to me and putting a slender hand upon my arm, she said, Tell me, Steve. Where did it all go wrong? And she was silent for a moment and then answered her own question. It was Vietnam, wasn’t it? I didn’t disagree. And then we traced the slippery slope that somehow had led from Vietnam to the swaggering films of Arnold Schwarzenegger, movies she refused to see, declaring, I loathe everything he stands for. In a later conversation, she asked what I was publishing, I mentioned a collection of the best of Murray Kempton. Jack had loved reading him in the New Republic, she said, and a wonderfully inspiring biography of Nellie Bly, the early 20th century Daredevil reporter and feminist. Like many people, Jackie dimly recalled the name as part of a popular ditty, nothing more. She was surprised to learn that at one time, Nellie Bly was perhaps the most celebrated woman in America. Her feats of personal courage and social conscience were peerless. She was an extraordinary inventor of her own life. It just ends to here. Jackie sighed and said, How remarkable Don’t you think to have lived such a life? It is how I would have loved to have lived my own.

Robert Scheer  

Well, first of all, we’re going to keep these excerpts shorter. Of course, people should buy the book and read the book but you’ve just demonstrated the vitality of your prose and taking the gilded bird, the What did you say, exotic bird in a gilded cage? Yeah, gilded cage. And that’s how most of us perceive Jackie Onassis Kennedy, the trophy wife of Jack Kennedy, who he cheated on all the time, betrayed in so many ways, but nonetheless a figure in our own right. But I dare say that short thing that you just read is more information about this woman than I ever learned from all of the extensive coverage in the media that I was exposed to up to this point, or reading your book, and I think that is, by the way, a great service of your writing, because what you’re really doing is not exploiting her fame. You’re taking her seriously. You’re taking her seriously. And she took her work as as a publisher seriously and working with writers seriously. So she stops being the exotic bird in the gilded case. She turns out to be a literary worker, somebody trying to make the book important, another person you write about, not clearly as famous was Jason Epstein, who was your boy boss at Random House. Now, I actually did a book for him, and I think you captured, really one of the major figures. Along with his wife, Barbara Epstein, they founded the New York Review of Books. They provided a great alternative to the New York Times, ownership of book reviewing, they gave a lot of heft and long essays to books, and you write about Jason Epstein in an incident that actually involves current politics concerning Israel and its aggressive behavior and so forth, but it’s about Netanyahu, father, who was a scholar. And I just love that essay, because he was as to an editor like you, a huge pain in the ass. I don’t want to give away the whole story, but it’s a great one. Why don’t you just explain what your task, not your task, Jason Epstein’s task was, and his seriousness as an editor and how it got rejected, and keep it in order read the excerpt, or, if not the excerpt, just tell us.

Steve Wasserman  

People can buy the book and read, read it in its fuller detail. But the essence of the story is one day Jason shows up at my office. We occupied offices on the same 11th floor of the Random House building, then located at 201 East 53rd Street in Manhattan, and it turns out Jason has found me because I’m probably the only other person on the floor who would be interested in this enormous tome that Benzion Netanyahu, the father of Bibi Netanyahu, Benjamin Netanyahu, the current prime minister of Israel, and the also the father of the great hero of the [inaudible]. He turns out,

Robert Scheer  

Did you just say the great prime minister or the famous Prime Minister?

Steve Wasserman  

I said the great Prime Minister. He’s great, whether he’s the longest lived, the most influential, probably for better or for worse, depending on your point of view, the word great is morally neutral. Okay, I would say, you know the great, Alexander, the great. Well, was that a good thing?

Robert Scheer  

I’m not your editor here. Just, just one clarification. That’s all.

Steve Wasserman  

In any event, the father was a great scholar of 15th and 16th century Spain and of and he was embarked on a book that would be published called the origins of the Spanish Inquisition. He could read Medieval Latin he was fluent in Hebrew, Yiddish, German, English, all of the relevant languages, and he’d done primary research in the Vatican’s archives, and he was but English was not his first language, and he had delivered to Jason a manuscript of 2,000 pages was very long, and Jason spent two years meticulously editing this thing. And like many scholars, Netanyahu was quite pedantic. His approach was generally, first, let me tell you what I’m going to tell you, then I tell you, and now I’m going to summarize what I just told you. It was a great deal of repetition, so Jason edits it all down. This is in the age before computers. And he sends the whole package off to Israel. He hears nothing for 10 days. Then one day he shows up in my office. He got a small slip of paper and he and I look at him, I said, What’s up? And he says, I’ve heard from Netanyahu. Let me read you in its entirety the telegram I’ve just received: Dear Jason, whose book is this? If yours take my name off, if mine restore what you cut. So Jason looks at me says, well, they don’t call us stiff neck people for nothing. Ultimately, the book was published with many of Jason’s edits restored, but most of them not. And of course, all the reviewers said it’s a terrifically interesting book, but it’s too long by at least a third, and where was the editor, and it was really a lesson in patience and the thankless task of editing a man who really was so consumed and with his own arrogance that he wouldn’t listen to one of the best living editors alive then in the English language.

Robert Scheer  

Let’s talk about somebody you edited, not known primarily… well known as a writer. Orson Welles, yeah.

Steve Wasserman  

In February, 1979 I was then a deputy editor, the deputy editor of the Los Angeles Times opinion section and op-ed page. And I had awakened on a Sunday to see that the great film director, Jean Renoir, he was a great director, had died in Beverly Hills, and the LA Times, in its infinite wisdom, had consigned his obituary to a little squib from the Associated Press on page 19. And I thought, Oh, holy cow. This is an embarrassment, to say the least, one of the great directors dying in our backyard, as it were, this is the paper of record in LA. We should have a front page obituary of this very considerable director in his important and influential films. And I went to my boss, and I said, Yeah, we got to do something. He said, You’re absolutely right. Who, who could write a good appreciation for the Sunday paper? And I said, suddenly, I blurted out, for reasons wholly mysterious, I blurred out, Orson Welles. He says, Well, do you know who Orson Welles? I said, No, I have never met him, but I remembered that he had a regular table that he ate at at a fashionable French restaurant then in vogue in LA called Maison, run by a guy named Patrick Terrell. But we couldn’t wait till Wednesday to accost him at his regular table. We had to find him earlier, and I remembered that that Wells had shield for the palmazan Winery. Many listeners may recall those deep voiced tones, no wine before its time. And so I called the winery. They referred me to an agent in New York. I call the agent. The agent says, Listen, if you reach Orson Welles, have him call me. For crying out loud, I’ll give you his office number. It’s a local number 213, I call the number. An assistant answers says, Orson Welles almost never comes into this office, and when he does, he sees a stack of pink slip and he basically looks at it and sweeps them to the floor. Next morning, I come into the office, I leave the message. I come into the office, and I see the ultimate boss, the editor the editorial pages, is sitting at my desk, and he’s and I hear him say, yes, yes, yes, yeah. Oh, here he is. Hold on a moment. He cups the receiver. He looks at me in disbelief, and he says. Yes, Steve, it’s Orson Welles for you. I get on the phone, and in that inimitable voice I hear Mr. Wasserman, this is Orson Welles. I did not know until your kind message that my great and good friend John Renoir had passed away. What pray tell would you have me do? And ultimately, I don’t want to tell the whole story. He wrote for me. We haggled over the length of the piece. He we agreed to 500 words. He delivered 2000 amazing words. Every sentence had oxygen in it. We published it on February 18, 1979 we became rather friendly afterward. Occasionally I would see him for a lunch or a dinner at La Maison It was the last piece he ever wrote.

Robert Scheer  

So you know, your relations were not always cordial, not that you were. Didn’t intend to be, but you’re running a book review section. You made the LA Times Book Review section, I think, many ways, the most important in the country, certainly on any given week, it could be. It wasn’t as fat as the New York Times, but you did a hell of a job, but it meant also delivering unpleasant news to people, because you had a great deal of integrity as someone should in that position. And I was really touched by your essay about Gore Vidal and delivering the bad news about a tough review. I had similar experiences of visiting with Gore. I had great respect for him, as you do, and you know, but Gore did not suffer fools easily. He could be very sharp in his criticism. And Why don’t you tell that story? Because it shows the contradictions. If you take the business of, well, criticism, of reviews, of writing, of journalism. In fact, you have to cut your darlings. You have to sometimes make your friends uncomfortable. That’s what comes with the territory. And I found that that whole story about Gore Vidal humanized him, because some people just know the tough Gore Vidal dominating the conversation and so forth, but your anecdote reveals that he actually was a very serious person in terms of, I know he was serious in a lot of his writings, but even accepting that a critical review of his book should be published, or at least…

Steve Wasserman  

Well up to a point.

Robert Scheer  

Well all of us up to a point, nobody likes to be exposed as having failed, and certainly not on writing a book. But I actually want to say I came away from that essay. I have great respect for Gore Vidal. I knew him quite well, but I was touched by that anecdote, because it seemed to me, he was more worried about reassuring you that you hadn’t screwed up than he was worried about the damage to his own reputation.

Steve Wasserman  

Well, in 1999 he had written a book called The Smithsonian Institution. It was one of those entertainments, as he liked to call them, that he wrote in between the big historical novels, slimmer books like Kalki and Duluth and the Smithsonian Institution, as against Burr and Lincoln and others of greater depth. But he was proud of all of those books. So when the Smithsonian Institution was to be published, I determined that I should use the occasion of this book’s appearance as the peg on which to commission and hang a larger essay about Gore Vidal, man of letters, and his place in American literature. And so I duly commissioned a lengthy essay about his work. Meanwhile, Gore had requested that the Random House publicity people he was his publisher, was random house that they asked me to be his interlocutor when he was on book tour in Los Angeles, and that we should do an interview much like you and I are having now, with a nationwide hookup from the Beverly Hills based Museum of broadcasting and television that would go out on the Pacifica radio network. And then afterward, we would repair to the Polo lounge the bistro garden at the Beverly Hills Hotel, and we’d have a nice lunch. And then the following day, I would accompany him up to Berkeley where he was going to have a similar interview with Christopher Hitchens at the Berkeley community theater, and then we’d all go trotting off to Chez Panisse for a dinner, and it would all be we’d all enroll ourselves in a mutual admiration society. I was very flattered, and so we were to. Have their interview on a Monday and then have that lunch. Meanwhile, at toward the end of the previous week, I get the review, and the reviewer loves the life, loves a lot of the past work as to this particular book, not at all. And I’m supposed to interview Gore on Monday morning. And I had always had one principle when I ran the LA Times Book Review, that prior to publication, I would never disclose the content of a review to the author or his or her publisher, thinking that the readers of the LA Times deserved to know first, and I wasn’t going to betray the reader by divulging the content of the review. You know, so I get to review, and they don’t like the new book, and I commissioned cover art. It was going to be the cover. So then I think to myself, What do I do? All Rules are made to be broken. Do the bonds of a certain friendship with Gore trump the commitment to the readers of the LA Times, what to do. So I decided I cannot. All Rules are made to be broken. So I think I should be man enough to disclose to Gore the nature of this review. Otherwise, what I risk is I’ll go and interview him. I’ll have lunch with him, and he will think I’ve been brown nosing him, flattering him. And then once this damn review comes out, he’ll go all over the world telling everybody he can see that Wasserman is a shameless flatter, but when it comes time for the real deal, he slips the stiletto between the ribs. I didn’t want to risk that. I was afraid of that. So I wasn’t going to change the review. I was going to run it. So then the only question was, when do I reveal to him the bad news? Do I do it before the interview in the Pacifica radio hookup? I thought, No, I can’t possibly do that. That’ll totally derail the interview. I’ll do it at lunch. And by the way, that even got worse, because I introduced Gore in a very flattering way. And the first thing out of his mouth at the interview, he says, Wasserman, what a lovely introduction. I hope I read words to that effect in the review that you’ll undoubtedly be running about on my new book, huh? So we go, go off to the Beverly Hills bistro garden. And then I’m like, sitting there we and we sit down to table. I glance over and at the other table, unbelievably, there sits Charlton Heston, his great nemesis from the years in which he was the screenwriter of Ben Hur and famously, they were at odds. And I look at Gordon, I said, Don’t look now. But at the other table, Ben Hur is eating his spinach. He says, not missing a beat. Wasserman, it’s the bistro garden at the Beverly Hills Hotel. It’s the La Brea Tar Pits of all US old dinosaurs. It’s where we go to eat and die. The waiter appears. I order a drink, and I think to myself, well, do I tell him the bad news when the salad first arrived? Or do I wait till dessert? When exactly do I do this? The salads arrive, I think to myself, I got to seize the moment I put down the fork, I look at him. I say, Gore. I really have to tell you before we go continue with the lunch, I have good news and bad news. And he says, Let’s be old fashioned. Let’s hear the good news. First, I said, Well, the good news is, you’re the front page. We’ve got a full page to review. I mean, it’s really, it’s a terrific play for the review. And the bad news, oh, the bad news is that the reviewer loves much of your past work, loves the life, but as to this book, not at all. He looks at me and says, and where does the bad news come? At the top of the piece or at the bottom? I say, well, as a matter of fact, it’s the penultimate graph. Wasserman, it’s all good. Do good news. Relax in reviewer as in real estate, it’s all Location, location, location. No one reads the full review. They read the top and the bottom. It’s all good news. Then he paused and looked at me, and he said, taking my me by considerable surprise, and your reviewer, a man or a woman? I was quite taken aback. I said, as it happens a woman. Steve, Steve, never trust a work of this kind to a woman. They have no gift nor ear for irony.

Robert Scheer  

Well, just before I let you slip into a whole world of trouble here, let me say something about your book of essays in relation to women. You not only dedicate the book to Susan Sontag, but in your portraits of some very central major figures in the world of books, some famous. Susan Sontag, some temporarily famous like Sister soldier, just take two examples. Your respect for their work and for their place in American society is exhibited very forcefully, particularly in the case of sister soldier, who was treated very shabbily by the mass media. Why don’t you remind us of who sister soldier was her sudden bursts into prominence, how politicians, I think it was Bill Clinton was it who…

Steve Wasserman  

Bill Clinton in 1992 used her as a punching bag to accuse her of a kind of reverse racism coming out of comments she made during the Rodney King following the Rodney King riots, and he did it for completely cynical reasons to…

Robert Scheer  

Tell us who Sister Souljah was.

Steve Wasserman  

She was an outspoken rap artist of a deeply political bent, very outspoken and eloquent, and an organizer seeking equity and justice for African Americans in this country and and she brought down upon her the full graph of the established Democratic Party honchos, and particularly in the form of then candidate Bill Clinton, who used her cynically, in my judgment, and I think in yours, because you did a long Playboy interview with her, and it’s how I came to meet her, when you said, I think she’s been given a bum rap, and she’s far more complex and interesting that she’s been made out to be, and she’s the farthest thing from a racist. And I think there’s a book you said to me in her, I don’t know what the book is, but I think you should meet her. And I met her, and I found her a completely compelling, smart as they come, person, very gracious, energetic, yes, ambitious, and she had really taken a lot of heat. She really got beat up, and I felt for her, and I said, I have no idea if you want to write a book, but if there, if, if that was were the case, what sort of book would you like to write? And she looks at me, and she absolutely dead pans. She said, I’d like to tell the truth about sexual relations between black men and black women. Oh, oh, well, I never read that book. I said. I have no idea what that book would look like, and I’m not in the habit of signing people up to write books on the strength of an opinion over lunch at a very good Lebanese restaurant on Third Avenue. But she said, Well, what do you need from me? I said, Well, it’d be nice to have like, a sample chapter or something. She said, Well, that seems fair. Six weeks later, she gives me 60 type written pages, and they’re absolutely compelling oxygen in every sentence. And from there, we were really off to the races. The book was published in 1995 it was called No disrespect. It is still in print, and she went on to a unbelievably good career as a multi million copy seller of novels based in the African American community and liming the African American predicament and exploring characters in all their complexities and contradictions. She was a hell of a writer, and she failed as a rap star, but she succeeded as a novelist.

Robert Scheer  

And I want to say I heard her speak at the I knew her, as you mentioned, I had interviewed her for Playboy, which put to the credit of Arthur Kretschmann Barry Golson, who were the editors of Playboy. They knew she was being taught and feathered by liberal people as well as conservative people, and they were open to an honest, fair interview with her, which we did, but I happened to I was at the Book Festival, which my wife Narda Zacchino founded, along with Lisa Realis, let me just say, but you were a very early supporter for the first year, and then as book editor, played a great role in which, for LA, is probably the major cultural, high intellectual, cultural, print based event, to the Los Angeles Times Book Festival, now done at USC. Used to be at UCLA, but I happened to just wander by this massive event, and I thought, what movie star memoir is being discussed. What rock musician so forth. It was Sister Souljah. And I was amazed, because she began by praising you as a book publisher, and it was really I thought, My goodness, Steve has done the right thing. And she talked about the difficulty of getting her story out and being taken seriously, and at this point, she had a massive crowd of fans of her books, and it was just really nice to hear, to hear that tribute. And you know, so let me say it’s not all people who would succeed. She went from being infamous to being highly respected. And I think the book publishing, obviously was the vehicle. Let’s take somebody else who you were, not the publisher, but she’s somebody you dedicate the book to, Susan Sontag. And I would say what she had in common with Sister soldier was as a woman being taken fully seriously given the respect that a male writer at that point might have gotten. She had, as I recall, been married to a Harvard professor who was thought to be a more serious intellectual, and she found her way as one of the leading lights of American intellectual life, and you developed a lifelong friendship association with her. She was one of your great boosters, mentors. So let’s take a little bit of time here to talk about we could talk about other women here too, Joan Didion, others that you encountered. But let’s talk about Sontag.

Steve Wasserman  

Well, I met Susan in 1974 you and I were working together on a book that would be called America after Nixon, Age of multinationals. I was just about to graduate from UC Berkeley. I was 21 we both went to New York and spent a good deal of that summer putting the finishing touches on that book. You were staying with your friend, Jules Feiffer, as I recall, at an apartment on West 79th and West End somewhere there and I at her invitation, I had also befriended her son, David, who was my age, exactly, they invited me to who was an important writer and editor as well. Yes, named David Reef. I mean, at that time, he was not yet a writer or an editor. In fact, he had dropped out of college and he was driving a cab in New York, and then he would return to he finished his degree at Princeton. He started out at Amherst. And we all hit it off and became fast friends very quickly. And Susan invited me to hang out at their penthouse apartment, which had been the artist Jasper Johns old studio at 106 and Riverside. She was for most of that summer living in Paris, and I spent the summer wandering in her very spacious apartment, just as I say, graduated college, getting a near crick in my neck looking at her then 8000 books that lined her wall. It was otherwise very spartan in its decoration. She had an original Andy Warhol of Chairman Mao on one wall. In the cupboard, when you went to get like a plate or a dish, if you could find any food at all, in the refrigerator, there was sort of rotting lettuce and and bottles of something called Perrier, which was my first introduction to the pretensions of an American intellectual who might want to drink this bubbly water from Europe, you open the cupboard, and there were a few dishes…

Robert Scheer  

Particularly when in New York, you could get New York seltzer.

Steve Wasserman  

New York tap water is the best water…

Robert Scheer  

If you had to go for Seltzer, you got seltzer. They delivered it in these big glass bottles to your apartment. So who the hell would bring some water in from France? But go on just a pet peeve of mine, wrong side, yeah.

Steve Wasserman  

And you’d see back issues of Partisan Review. And I nearly got a crick in my neck looking at all these books. And they’re amazing titles and and I saw lots of books by writers I’d never heard of other books by writers I had distantly heard of but had never read and but most intriguing was the clock by her bedside table, which was a 24/7 World Time Zone clock that reflected the times, no matter where in the world you might find yourself. I said, Oh my God, this person lives internationally and is a kind of omnivore of culture, and she never sleeps and and then idly drawn to four blue backed volumes of the journals of the great French writer Andre Jean. I came across a lightly underlined passage in which he confines to his journals. I know I shall have entered old age the moment I no longer awaken outraged. And I thought, Oh, that is the key to keeping yourself young and to keeping your moral compass true north, and so I just sort of fell in love and was inspired by this person whose curiosities seemed to deepen and expand the more she learned, and her great enthusiasm for learning and trying to think seriously, and she was always encouraging. One to think more rigorously, more seriously, she had very little patience for people who were engaged in what she called the infantilization of the American debate. So she wanted to be a grown up and she entreated people to behave like grown ups. I thought that was a worthy ideal, and maybe one day I would be able to crack the code and become an adult.

Robert Scheer  

But she was also a wonderful friend. I’ve forgotten that I introduced you to her.

Steve Wasserman  

At a dinner party in April of 1974. 

Robert Scheer  

That’s kind of how I show up in your I’m sort of the victor D of some restaurant, virtual restaurant, that you participated in. But I do remember Susan because she had, she could be a very light Gore Vidal, a very tough critic and took no prisoners and so forth. But she was also an extremely generous just as Jules Feiffer, by the way, who led me his apartment, these people were very supportive, younger writers, of people who were not well known. I put myself in that category. I certainly was not as young as you but when I did stay with Jules Feiffer, you know, very generously gave me his apartment in New York as he was going out, where was he going up to, I don’t know somewhere, where they go in the summer, I think, is Martha’s Vineyard, I think, yeah, no, some island, Nantucket or some, wasn’t it? Yeah. But anyway, there was a surprising generosity that I found with a lot of these people. Susan Sontag, I always found her incredibly supportive of young artists of one kind or another. Yes, she had a…

Steve Wasserman  

That’s one thing that you and she and the people I admire this book is filled with the admiration, admiring portraits of people that I whose temperaments and sensibilities I was drawn to. And one of the characteristics that you and she and among others in the book, have in common is that I have never experienced you or I never experienced Susan Sontag as a hostage to nostalgia. They never wanted to talk about the good old days. They were always on the contrary. Interested in, what have you read recently? What have you seen? What is your take on this or that, and they did surround themselves with younger people, and it kept them young. I mean, I thought it was a great, great lesson not to become pickled in your own prejudices such that you couldn’t be open to the world.

Robert Scheer  

Yes and but also, let me, I’m not going to defend nostalgia, because that’s boring and inaccurate to some evoke some great period that never existed, including the 60s, by the way, full, 

Steve Wasserman  

Yes, especially so, in fact.

Robert Scheer  

I wouldn’t say especially, the 60s were pretty terrific. But leaving that aside, I want to make a point about this book. The book, by the way, is, let me hold it up, since we do also video here. Yeah, that’s good. Thank you. Hold

Steve Wasserman  

You hold up your copy. I’ll promote mine.

Robert Scheer  

Okay, “Tell Me Something, Tell Me Anything, Even If It’s a Lie: A Memoir in Essays.” Steve Wasserman, but you don’t really mean that you will embrace the lie. No, that would suggest a certain cynicism, because some journalists do, if a lie will sell or increase your ratings or so forth, you might embrace it. And somebody, I forget you were quoting somebody to me over lunch, said that you never sold out. Who was that? Are you willing to mention his name?

Steve Wasserman  

Sure, no, I had lunch last week with the long time and but now, former editor of the literary editor of the New Republic, Leon Wieseltier, who runs a journal, quarterly called Liberties and and he said, very flattering, at least I took it as a great compliment. He says, you know, Steve, the great through line in your book is somehow you have managed to remain loyal to first principles and you didn’t sell out. I was very flattered by that.

Robert Scheer  

And it’s interesting, because he’s somebody I have disagreements with foreign policy and so forth, but I would also say he is consistent with his own thoughts and research and logic. And these days, students I teach in a college, and I’m not putting that on students. I think they’re great. But I would say, basically, these universities don’t stress very much this question of not selling out, which I dare say, in the Berkeley that you grew up in, was the dominant slogan of the culture. Don’t sell out, don’t betray and so forth. And what is the unifying theme of your book? Like them or not. Have disagreements or not. It is a collection of portraits of people who certainly did not sell out. You may disagree with them, and I’m going to get to the most controversial and. Some ways the most valuable of your critiques in this book of Christopher Hitchens, who, as a person, I can, just to be honest here, I once did a I forget her name, but one of the right wing hosts on television, and I had a whole furious debate with Hitchens over his changed position about war in Iraq and all that, and we were screaming at each other over the phone until four in the morning. We had in common a friend, Carol Blue, who was, after all, his wife at that point. I had met her through you. She was trying to keep us on solid terms with the conversation. So I’ve had my disagreements with Christopher Hitchens and so forth. I believe I well. I met Carol blue through you, but I found your portrait of Hitchens, for whom you were very, very close friend and publisher and advisor his one of his most well known books, was it God is not so great, or God is not great? Yeah, religion poisons everything, yeah, and obviously was a big best seller and so forth. And one thing I will never say about Christopher Hitchens is that he sold out. I could disagree with him, and I did strenuously. We made up after that four o’clock in the morning yelling at each other. But I there’s certainly somebody I would hold up again. He’s not my political lodestone, but he’s certainly someone I think had enormous integrity in every time he wrote, he was not pandering to any crowd. He was not trying to advance his career. He genuinely came to some conclusions that would make me uncomfortable or even angry. But also, I admired even a great deal of his conclusions, but I certainly admired his life work and never so much as reading your essay about it. It’s in the book, but I remember when it first came out, you put Christopher Hitchens in a context that I thought was absolutely necessary to understanding that he was not an agent provocateur. He was not doing it to get his name out there. He was not doing it to be interesting by being controversial. He was a man actually obsessed with finding the truth. He was a fellow almost I don’t want to know. I’m not an expert on Orwell. I’m an admirer of his work, but in that tradition of calling it as it is, telling us what you really think. So let’s wrap this up, but let’s take time to do it. Who was his, Christopher Hitchens, what made him and you probably, I won’t say, probably you are. You are undoubtedly the individual that knew him best in the sense of a total view of Hitchens the writer, Hitchens the public figure, Hitchens the friend. And you get into that in this marvelous, I think the strongest essay in this book, tell me something. Tell me anything, even as put to lie. And it wasn’t that you liked that he had an ability to lie. You actually say no, he was somebody who was into unmasking lies, even some he may have been associated with. So let’s hear about Christopher Hitchens.

Steve Wasserman  

Well, thank you for pressing in on an open door. That is the essay that I really wrote for this book because I had not previously written about Christopher. I met him in October 1979 in London. He was then the editor, the foreign editor for the New Statesman. I met him through a mutual friend, Robin Blackburn, a contributor and founding editor of the New Left Review. We met at an exceedingly bad Chinese restaurant. I remember very little of that meeting, other than the pot stickers were lousy, but Christopher was dazzling. And one of the things that was dazzling about him was this hyper eloquence. His ability was the product of an exceedingly good English education. So he could seemingly pluck whole verses committed to memory from Auden and Shakespeare, and used them as apt quotations to enrich the nutritive value of the essays and reportage that he seemed to effortlessly write. He always prided himself on never meeting, always meeting a deadline that he was given and then we became fast friends. Soon he was writing for the LA Times op ed page. At my invitation in 1981 accepted Victor Navasky, then publisher of the nation’s invitation to move to Washington, DC and become a regular columnist for The Nation. And we were really in each other’s lives. Yes, I introduced him. You to the woman, Carol blue, who became his second wife. I was best man at their wedding, which took place in Victor navaskys New York apartment. They were married by Rabbi Goldberg, who had married Arthur Miller and Marilyn Monroe and Christopher repaid the service to me when I married my second wife, and we public and I published his first books here in the United States. I was holding his hand when he died of esophageal cancer nearly 12 years ago at the too young age of 62 and I can and I describe the death bed scene in the end of this book. It’s not maudlin, and it will surprise readers, some of whom might have expected a deathbed conversion. There was no such thing. I’m not going to step on my own tail. But we also had our very severe disagreements. We did disagree a great deal about the propriety and merit of American intervention in a region of the world that he was pleased to call Mesopotamia, but I found interesting his argument, because his arguments were better than the best that Paul Wolfowitz and the other hawks of rushing us to war in that benighted region could ever advance because Christopher’s argument for American intervention did not rest on the purported existence of weapons of mass destruction. No, they it was a moral argument. He said that the United States owed a blood debt to the suffering Iraqi people because the United States had done so much to prop up this despotic vampire called Saddam Hussein, and we had turned a blind eye to his gassing of the Kurds, and we were responsible for much of the man’s terrorizing his own people. By the way, that was true of his treatment or of ordinary people, whether it was a waiter or the receptionist at the publishing house, no Christopher, and it was also true when he was on a book tour, he would spend a great amount of time after the book presentation was over, let’s go to a bar across the street, and there’d always be acolytes or hangers on much younger people. Let’s he would buy them drinks, and let’s talk about these issues till the wee hours of the morning. I remember when a gaggle of fundamentalist evangelical Christians came shown up unannounced to the apartment building where he lived, and one of them was deputized by their their group, to knock on the door, to go to the the doorman and said, it’s Christopher Hitchens. And he was like the devil to them. He had written this book how religion poisons everything, and they wanted an audience with him. I mean, these could have, people could have, like, attacked him. I mean, you know, and he and I were, as it happened, we were working on assembling the essays for a forthcoming collection. He was ill at the time. He was dying, and he said, Who is it? Oh, yeah, send them up. And they cut this guy comes up, very meek and and they proceed to have three hours in near Talmudic dispute on biblical passages and everything. And then the kid goes down, and I look out the window, he goes across where there are about six or seven of his comrades, saying, Well, what was it like to meet with this nebucha Desert, this, this guy. And I could see they were all talking, and it completely blew their minds that he was the model of graciousness, seemingly have all the time in the world, took them seriously, was willing to talk these issues out. No, in terms of his comportment toward others, he was never a snob.

Robert Scheer  

Let me just offer a footnote on that, by the way, for people listening to this who might not know, because Iran is now the enemy of one of the enemies of choice. We have a war with Iran where we seem to be solidly allied with Israel that has been aching for a war with Iran, and ironically, the US supported Saddam Hussein because he went to war with Iran, yes, and Saddam Hussein was the preferred democratic alternative free world, alternative to the evil Iranians. And so it’s interesting how history comes around another footnote. And I may be wrong about this, but I think Christopher Hitchens, didn’t you once tell me he was the first one in his family to go to college. Go to college. So I just want to say one of the aspects of Christopher’s background, he was not a snob, he was not an intellectual. But aside from that, his own style was not one of looking down at people who came from different backgrounds, different cultures and so forth, that I found even when I was in very serious disagreement, I think he was dead wrong on Iraq. I think he was responsible for an awful lot of dangerous thought and everything. So I’m not backing off on that, but I never attributed to indifference to the fate of ordinary people. On the contrary, it was the opposite of that elitist, educated, Harvard, Oxford sort of thing. He really respected the people much more than one might think, given that background. Yeah, let me just add on that. By the way, I recounted our ferocious debate that went on for, I don’t know, three hours on the phone, I remember that, yeah, because he had attacked me. What is it? It was forget her name, Pat Buchanan’s sister, that show on CNN. And she, you know, wanted fireworks, so she got Chris and myself on there. And it got very personal. It got very nasty. I was one of the ugliest debates I’ve ever had with anyone. We also had a number of Stage debates at the book festival and elsewhere. We kind of were a regular tour. You arranged part of that tour as a bad bears. But there was even rivalry. You put on something at the where’s the great Rock Hall in LA that your sister…

Steve Wasserman  

Polly ballroom at UCLA, yeah.

Robert Scheer  

Yeah. And we had tremendous debates. And so, however, when I came out with a book we had 12 published, attacking the military industrial complex, the pornography of power and everything. I was really amazed. Carol and hitch put on a book party for me, and I went to this book party, and it was almost all neoconservatives there, but he didn’t let them just attack me. It was we were going to have a discussion, right? And it was actually the most serious treatment I had of my book, that whole experience, because 9/11 had happened, and everybody was a hawk. Everybody wanted more of the military, and my book was out of fashion. And the only place where I really, I shouldn’t say the only place, but a major place was I found, was in the apartment of Carol Blue and Chris Hitchens, where they actually assemble people, not all who were critical, but quite a few were prominent neoconservatives and demanded that they engage the ideas in my book and engage me and totally forgotten was our televised argument. So this was just at a time, because I want to keep this for an hour so we can keep an audience. But, but what am I missing here? About Hitch, about your book, about everything we got only slept.

Steve Wasserman  

I would say this was the best of Christopher Hitchens, that memory of yours. And if I may, I would just simply add to that, and maybe we can close on this, because this was, there was something he had written in an introduction that I always preserve and remember he wrote. And he wrote in that introduction, a passage, a paragraph that, for me, was a kind of credo, almost an active ventriloquism. And they are words that remain as acutely relevant today as when he wrote them, and I hope my book lives up to that he wrote. Nadine Gordimer once wrote or said that she tried to write posthumously. She did not mean that she wanted to speak from beyond the grave, but that she aimed to communicate as if she were already dead. Never mind that that ambition is axiomatically impossible of achievement. When I read it, I still thought, Gosh, to write as if editors, publishers, colleagues, peers, friends, relatives, factions, reviewers and consumers need not be consulted. Call no man lucky until he is dead, but there have been moments of rare satisfaction in the often random and fragmented life of the radical freelance scribbler. Religions and states and classes and tribes and nations do not have to work or argue for their adherents and subjects. They more or less inherit them against this unearned patrimony. There have always been speakers and writers who embody Einstein’s injunction, remember your humanity and forget the rest. It would be immodest to claim membership in this fraternity slash sorority, but I hope not to have. Done anything to outrage it, despite the idiotic sneer that such principles are fashionable, it is always the ideas of secularism, libertarianism, internationalism and solidarity that stand in need of affirmation. And later, he wrote, I feel relatively confident that neither demand for nor the supply of the well wrought essay will ever become exhausted. We are not likely to reach a time when the need of such things as curiosity, irony, debunking, disputation and elegy will become satisfied. For the present, we must resolve to essay essay and essay again.

Robert Scheer  

And well, your book confirms that. So let me wrap this up. The book is “Tell Me Something, Tell Me Anything, Even If It’s a Lie: A Memoir in Essays.” I do want to say I’ve known Steve for a very long time, and he does not live with lies. He will expose them. And I do say I respect your relationship to Christopher Hitchens, because it really was in the spirit of Orwell that I think Hitchens most admired, he was his model, certainly as a journalist, and he was quite expert on Orwell. Let me just end that here. Thanks for doing this. I want to thank Christopher Ho and Laura Kondourajian at KCRW for week after week hosting these shows. I want to thank Joshua Scheer, our producer, for getting these things done every week and picking great guests that we have. I want to thank Diego Ramos for writing the intro, Max Jones for doing the video presentation and getting this together technically. Today, I want to thank the JKW Foundation, the memory of someone Steve knew quite well, Jean Stein, who I want to say, given all what’s happening with Gaza and Israel in this horrible, horrible dehumanization of people, in memory of Jean Stein, who was the first person I met, prominent in the Jewish community, who actually developed an alliance with Edward Said, a great but beleaguered scholar at Columbia to try to open the debate about and the concern about who are these Palestinians. And I want to thank Integrity Media for in the same spirit, supporting independent journalism and giving us some support to do these shows. See you next week with another edition of Scheer Intelligence. 

https://scheerpost.com/2024/10/25/the-enviable-life-of-a-true-american-publisher/

 

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