Thursday 28th of November 2024

oily robbery under the sea.....

Two decades after the Howard Government spied on Timor-Leste’s seabed boundary negotiating team, for oil company Woodside, the Albanese Government is still fighting against the truth coming out. Reporting on the biggest cover-up in Australia’s history, Rex Patrick explains why.

DFAT submissions found in the long-running FOI battle reveal how the commercial interests of Australian fossil fuel companies still take precedence.

 

Spies Like Us: why the Government is still backing Woodside over Timor-Leste

    by Rex Patrick

 

In March 2002, three months before Timor-Leste (Timor) became an independent state, Australia’s then foreign minister, Alexander Downer, withdrew Australia from the maritime boundary jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. He did this to ensure there would be no umpire to go to when Australia rejected Timor’s claim for a maritime boundary halfway between the two countries.

On 20 September 2002, the Howard Government awarded an exploration contract for an area partly on Timor’s side of the median line. Timor protested.

In November 2002, Mr Downer warned Timor’s then Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri that Australia could hold up the flow of gas from the Timor Sea for decades. According to a transcript of the negotiating records, Downer said, “We don’t have to exploit the resources. They can stay there for 20, 40, 50 years.”

We are very tough. We will not care if you give information to the media. Let me give you a tutorial in politics – not a chance.

In December 2002, the Sunrise project partners, Woodside, ConocoPhillips, Shell and Osaka Gas, announced the indefinite delay of the project, an obvious tactic to pressure Timor to accept Mr Downer’s demands.

The Howard Government wanted to force Timor, one of the poorest countries in the world, to surrender to Australia most of the revenue from a number of Timor Sea oil and gas fields.

I spy with my greedy eyes

Despite Australia having agreed to negotiate in good faith with Timor, Downer ordered the Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) to bug Timor’s negotiators. ASIS installed listening devices inside Timor’s cabinet room under the cover of a foreign aid program, piling cynicism onto callousness.

In 2006, a sea boundary treaty, highly favourable to Australia, was signed by Timor.

Only after former ASIS officer Witness K and his lawyer, Bernard Collaery, blew the whistle did the Timorese understand that the Australian Government had engaged in a conspiracy to defraud them.

The Timorese spent the next decade trying to have the treaty declared invalid, with actions taken in the Permanent Court of Arbitration and the International Court of Justice. Almost a decade after the treaty was signed, Timor-Leste initiated compulsory conciliation proceedings against Australia. Despite Australia unsuccessfully challenging the jurisdiction of the Conciliation Commission, a new treaty was signed in 2018.

The will of Timor

Despite the signing of the new treaty, there’s been little progress over the extraction of oil and gas from Greater Sunrise.

Xanana Gusmao, a former independence fighter and heroic figure in Timor, has had a long-standing vision to establish, in association with the development of Greater Sunrise, an onshore petroleum industry on the South Coast.

His vision, known as “Tase Mane”, involves building a supply base, refinery, petrochemical industry, and LNG plant on the country’s southern plateau. As part of a 2011 Strategic Development Plan (written when Gusmao was Prime Minister), Tase Mane would be the catalyst for uplifting skills and economic activity across the country and providing long-term economic prosperity.

As part of the implementation plan for Tase Mane, in 2019, the Timor Government purchased ConocoPhillips’ 30% interest and Shell Australia’s 26.56% interest in the Greater Sunrise Fields, giving ‘Timor Gap’, the national oil company of Timor-Leste, a 56.6% interest in the fields.

The remaining stakeholders are Osaka Gas, at 10% and Woodside, at 33.4%.

Since the signing of the new treaty in 2018, progress on Tase Mane has been slow.

However, renewed impetus to move forward came with the inauguration of a new government in July 2023, headed by Prime Minister Gusmao on his second term in office. He’s pledged publicly he’ll reach a deal in 2024. Accordingly, technical negotiations involving Australia, Timor and the Sunrise Joint Venture partners have been building momentum.

The will of Woodside

There’s just one problem.

Woodside does not agree with the Tase Mane plans and wants Greater Sunrise gas to be processed at the existing Santos LNG plant in Darwin.

Whilst feigning support for the Timorese, with Foreign Minister Penny Wong telling Timor that Australia was “listening carefully to your interest and priorities”, the Albanese Government seems to be backing Woodside.

In 2019, wondering why things were not progressing, I requested under FOI all briefs the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) had prepared for the Minister for Foreign Affairs in the financial years 2016/2017 through 2018/2019 that discussed oil/gas processing options for Greater Sunrise. I wanted to see if the Australian Government was still hell-bent on processing Timor’s gas back in Darwin.

At the time the Morrison Government refused me access to all documents. In 2022 DFAT revisited the decision and gave some documents to me; media talking points and material that was already available on the internet.

DFAT thwarts FOI ‘progress’

As my FOI has made it through the four-year wait it takes to get to the front of the Information Commissioner’s FOI queue, DFAT’s response to inquiries from the Commissioner has been extraordinary.

Normally, information grows less sensitive over time. But in new submissions made to the Commissioner, DFAT has claimed the opposite.

DFAT has advised the Commissioner that the 2022 revised decision will have to be revisited and that documents which then had an arguable public interest for disclosure

will now have to be bought under an exemption that does not allow public interest to be considered.

They argue that the documents are more sensitive because of “recent developments in Greater Sunrise, and particularly the fact that these negotiations are ongoing.”

DFAT argues that disclosure of the documents will undermine the Australian Government’s “ability to effectively co-operate and have open discussion with third party private enterprises, whose ongoing engagement is critical for the development of Greater Sunrise” and “prejudice the ability of Australian diplomats overseas to foster and maintain effective working relationships with foreign government officials which is a fundamental aspect of the Department’s functions.”

Such exquisite irony. On the twentieth anniversary of ASIS spying on the Timorese negotiating team,

DFAT has suddenly grown a conscience and an understanding of the need for confidentiality in negotiations.

Self-determination v embarrassment

We’d be the first to agree that, from a project management perspective, the processing of Greater Sunrise in Darwin would attract less project risk and be less expensive.

But that completely misses the point.

Timor, a close neighbour, wants to utilise their resources to uplift themselves and become economically independent.

They want to set up their future and we should be assisting them.

We haven’t been kind to Timor going all the way back to World War II when we landed on their shores without invitation, ultimately seeing between 40,000 and 70,000 Timorese killed by the Japanese during the war.

As we later sniffed around, finding oil and gas in their waters, we sought to rob them of it.

Our first approach was to encourage Indonesia to invade Timor in 1975 in the hope of extending the very favourable sea boundary we had with Indonesia across the Timor Gap, making the oil ours. When that didn’t work, we spied on the Timorese to ensure they got the worst possible oil and gas deal.

The 2018 treaty was a reset opportunity that we don’t seem to have embraced. We owe nothing to Woodside and everything to a mistreated Timor-Leste.

Australia has to end the games, stop resisting Tase Mane, admit the bugging took place, stop the secrecy and, indeed, use the project as an opportunity to grow the relationship through technical and project management assistance to them.

Unfortunately, our foreign policy establishment won’t admit to generations of policy failure and commercially compromised diplomacy.

And for all their progressive pretensions, Prime Minister Albanese and Foreign Minister Wong are too craven, too timid, to challenge the DFAT orthodoxy. It seems beyond our leaders to be able to put political decency and our long-term national security ahead of Woodside’s wants.

https://michaelwest.com.au/albanese-maintains-timor-leste-woodside-cover-up/

 

SEE ALSO (APRIL 2005): 

Negotiation Howard style

 

it's time for being earnest.....

 

solomoning......

Letter [EXTRACT] from USAID Regional Office of Acquisition and Assistance agreement officer Stephane C. Bright to Kira Ribar, senior administrative director to the Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening (CEPPS) regarding allocations to the Solomon Islands Election and Political Process Fund.

 

Is US Plotting Electoral Coup in Solomon Islands?

BY Ilya Tsukanov

 

 

The US and its allies received an unpleasant surprise in 2022 after the Solomon Islands signed a security pact with China, ripping a hole in Washington’s “Island Chain Strategy” for “containing” Beijing. As a local election looms, a Sputnik inquiry based on expert analysis and insider testimony reveals how the US Empire plans to strike back.

Residents of the Solomon Islands will go to the polls for general elections on April 17 to elect a new parliament and prime minister, with the vote expected to determine the country’s future both domestically and vis-à-vis the escalating security competition between the US and China in the Pacific region.

Manasseh Sogavare, a veteran Solomon Islands politician who has served as the island nation's prime minister for a total of about 11 years through four nonconsecutive terms going back to the year 2000, is running for reelection. Sogavare began to display an independent streak in foreign affairs in 2018-2019, when the Solomons signed on to China's Belt and Road Initiative, and ditched diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favor of formal relations with the People's Republic.

In November 2021, violent riots triggered by the Taiwan/PRC recognition switch saw an attempt by protestors to storm parliament and oust Sogavare, with rioters setting fire to a police station, burning down businesses and looting the Chinatown district in Honiara, the Solomons' capital. Sogavare blamed “foreign powers” for the unrest, accusing outside forces of feeding rioters “false and deliberate lies about the switch.”

 

“I don’t want to name names, we’ll leave it there, we know who they are,” Sogavare said at the time.

 

Through this period, Honiara's ties with Beijing continued to warm, culminating in the spring 2022 signing of a security pact. The agreement allowed China to deploy police and troops to the Solomons, if called upon, to help maintain order and protect lives and property, and for Chinese warships to make port visits to the nation’s harbors to stock up on fuel and supplies.

Despite US and Australian claims to the contrary, China insisted that it had "no intention at all" of setting up any permanent military presence in the Pacific island nation, and assured that the pact is not "targeted at any third country."

Meanwhile, relations with the US continued to sour. In March 2023, Sogavare informed White House National Security Council Indo-Pacific Coordinator Kurt Campbell that he had become aware of a US-backed plot to assassinate him. Six months later, in September, asked why he had refused an invitation to meet President Biden in Washington alongside other Pacific leaders following a session of the UN General Assembly, the prime minister said he was tired of efforts by US officials to talk down to Honiara. “I’m not going to sit there and listen to people lecture me, no way,” Sogavare said.

“They must change their strategies,” Sogavare added, urging Washington to show Pacific leaders more respect instead of giving them “three minutes to talk” and then lecturing them “about how good they are.”

US Rediscovers Solomons' Existence

Given its potential geostrategic implications, the upcoming election in the Solomon Islands is being monitored closely by the US and its allies, with State Department media arm outlet Voice of America* making it clear that Washington sees “China influence” as the key issue in the looming vote. The UK, Australia, and New Zealand plan to send media observers, and Canberra and Wellington will have a police and troop presence on the ground to provide “security” and “logistics” support.

Behind the scenes, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) may be playing a highly active role using 'democracy promotion' activities to advance what amounts to an electoral coup against Sogavare. But more on that below.

This is all quite a shift away from the old complacency traditionally marking US policy toward the region, says William Jones, an Asia-Pacific affairs expert and former White House correspondent for Executive Intelligence Review magazine.

In an interview with Sputnik, Jones pointed out that despite the crucial role played by Pacific islanders during the US's island-hopping campaigns during the Second World War, the islands have generally "hardly made a blip in US foreign policy considerations" in the 80 years since, with US presidents and secretaries of state almost never bothering to visit the region.

The sudden surge in interest in the Solomons is the result of "the rise of China as a major power in the region," Jones says, noting that the islands "lie on what has been called the 'Second Island Chain' separating China from the open Pacific Ocean," and that the PRC's "interest in developing a 'blue water navy' in accordance with its growing position as a major maritime power" being something that the US and its regional allies, first and foremost Australia, "would like to prevent.”

Lingnan University Center for Asian Pacific Studies director Dr. Zhang Baohui agrees, telling Sputnik that "US interest in the future direction of the Solomon Islands, including the outcome of this election, is driven by the increasingly bipolar competition with China."

Washington, Zhang explained, is approaching the competition with China as a "zero sum game," and "the US concern for the Solomon Islands reflects these imperatives. The US worries that any Chinese gain could tip the balance, especially by triggering snow-balling effects in other Pacific island countries that may lead them to tilt towards China."

 

In reality, Jones noted, the "uproar" in Washington and Canberra over the 2022 Solomon Islands-China security pact is overblown, with the "actual distance" between the islands and Australia some 1,200 nautical miles away , "about the same distance as US bases in the Philippines are to China, not to speak of the US special forces that are now allegedly operating in Taiwan, which is around 130 miles from the Chinese [mainland] coast.”

Nonetheless, as elections in the Solomons approach, Jones expects the US to "ben[d] over backwards to get new leadership which will be less friendly with China" in an effort to maintain strategic control over the island chains and protect "US interests in these long-neglected island nations."

"This election is important in the sense that it [will] determine the future strategic leanings of the Solomon Islands," Dr. Victor Teo, a political scientist specializing in Indo-Pacific Affairs, told Sputnik. "If any of the governments [among the Pacific Island nations] so much as 'tilt' towards Beijing, it sets off alarm bells for US and Australian officials."

Accordingly, Teo said, "both the Chinese as well as the Americans/Australians would want a government that is friendly to them," even if Prime Minister Sogavare himself has announced a desire to "reduce his country's dependence" on all foreign countries, and to "maintain a friendly approach to all powers."

As far as Honiara's relations with China are concerned, Teo believes Sogavare's efforts are aimed first and foremost at achieving "better development outcomes for the Solomon Islands."

Professor Joe Siracusa, a veteran political scientist and dean of Global Futures at Curtin University in Australia, agrees with that assessment, saying that while the US and its allies may see the Solomons only as a strategic plot of land for "containing China," the Sogavare government views the PRC as a potential model for economic prosperity.

Being forced to choose between Washington and Beijing, "the leader of the Solomon Islands reckoned that Asia is now the center of the world, and that Beijing represents the greatest power there. It is a template for defeating poverty and it's a template for development. America no longer has anything anybody wants in these parts of the developing world. So the leader of the Solomons...has decided to use China as a model for what he wants to do. And he's determined to do it," Siracusa explained.

 

'Cultivating Networks'

Responding to the geostrategic and potential ideological threat posed by Sogavare, Washington has deployed its soft power tools in the Solomons ahead of the April 17 election.

"Aid programs, beginning with Herbert Hoover's aid programs to Russia in 1917-1918, are designed to change values toward the Americans or towards the West. There is no free lunch. If you want this aid, you have to listen to the sermon that goes along with it. And the sermon is that they expect you to line up against what they call an 'autocracy' in favor of American 'democracy'. And I'll tell you the truth: sometimes you can't tell the difference," Siracusa said.

"They send people in on the ground to cultivate networks. And they hire people who are in favor of whatever they're trying to do. They have their own kind of internal networks...They hire people who want to side with the American version of events, and they hope to spread the word. It's just a matter of developing networks on the ground," the academic explained.

Just how deep a role USAID is playing on the ground ahead of the vote is up for debate. Publicly, the agency has touted its regional efforts at poverty reduction, as well as a series of economic projects. Behind the scenes, however, processes amounting to direct political interference may be underway.

Sputnik has been contacted by an individual showing what seems to be intimate familiarity with USAID-coordinated activities in the Solomons. The source shared a trove of documents, including financial reports, meeting notes, and interdepartmental communications, detailing US-sponsored political activity in the island nation. Sputnik was not been able to independently confirm the veracity of all the information therein, but was able to cross-check details about the organizations and individuals involved in USAID activities in the Solomons and the Pacific islands region generally.

Outlining the architecture of USAID's political operations in the country, the source, who asked to remain anonymous given the sensitive nature of the information being shared, explained that the agency's Solomons mission is overseen by the International Foundation for Election Systems (IFES), a National Endowment for Democracy (NED) cutout nonprofit working in coordination with the Solomon Islands’ section of the Supporting Democratic Governance in the Pacific Islands (SDGPI) program. The latter describes itself as a regional "democratic governance" initiative, whose purview includes activities not just in the Solomons, but Fiji, the Marshall Islands, the Federated States of Micronesia, Nauru, and other countries in the region.

Documents provided by the source appear to indicate that Sogavare’s 2019 election and his slow geopolitical swing away from Washington was followed, within a year, by a push by USAID and its partners, including the IFES, as well as the International Republican Institute (IRI) and the National Democratic Institute (NDI), to kick off a “voter awareness campaign” in the Solomons known as the Solomon Islands Election and Political Processes Program (SIEPP).

This initiative, known under the umbrella term “Strengthening Democratic Governance in the Pacific Islands,” was organized under the auspices of USAID’s Consortium for Election and Political Process Strengthening (CEPPS), and was provided an initial operating budget of nearly $10 million for the period between September 30, 2020 and September 29, 2023, including $4.7 million for the IFES, $2.25 million for the IRI and $2.48 million for the NDI.

The program was initially expected to run until the fall of 2023, when the Solomons were originally set to have their general elections, but was extended and topped up with an additional $1.5 million to cover CEPPS expenses through April of 2024 after the vote was postponed by Prime Minister Sogavare, to $10.325 million total.

Internal communications between USAID's Pacific regional office in the Philippines and CEPPS senior administrative director Kira Ribar included a program description of the "types of activities and outputs desired" from the millions being spent on the agency's activities.

An attachment to one of the communications indicated that the “tension and conflict” on the islands in connection with the government's foreign and domestic policies were signs that the Solomons are “unable to address critical issues and grievances and dispel unrest,” and that “therefore, CEPPS is obligated to take the opportunities [to] promote democratic processes," including by working with “marginalized groups,” to “promote elections as a sustainable vehicle for democratic transitions.”

Sputnik’s source said that when it received a “go signal” from USAID, the “IFES’s priority was to connect with political leaders, civil society organizations and influential individuals” in local communities.

A strategic pool of “project consultants” was reportedly established as far back as October 2020, just a year after Sogavare's election, and more than a year before the 2021 riots, including a senior member of the Solomon Islands Electoral Commission, senior opposition leaders, the secretary of the Solomon Islands National Council of Women, and the chair of Malaita Youth Caucuas - a local youth social networking organization.

A CEPPS “Cost Extension” document for the period September 30, 2020 – September 29, 2023 summarized plans to “reinforce the foundations of good governance and shape democracy” in the Solomons via “national surveys and focus group discussions,” along with “stakeholder convenings, including conferences and workshops for government, political parties, civil society and local communities, to socialize and validate findings and provide capacity building to improve consensus building” ahead of the election.

 

'Plan B'

Sputnik's source said the IFES felt that “by reaching across these areas of leadership and building a wide network, it [would be] possible to establish a powerful mobilization capacity for its subsequent activities in SI [the Solomon Islands], for example to promote American ‘democratic principles’, and even accomplish a ‘democratic transition’ by violent means in necessary circumstances.”

The individual warned that if push comes to shove, the IFES has the ability to leverage tensions and collaborate with local partners to incite “impulsive and immature” youth to spark violence – with USAID allegedly already successfully “cooperating” with local opposition forces led by Mathew Wale and former Malaita Province Premier Daniel Suidani to spark the 2021 Honiara riots.

In addition to these activities, USAID has apparently also been involved in the sponsorship of surveys taken in opposition-majority constituencies via its networks to characterize the Sogavare government as one wracked by poor governance and low public trust. These networks reportedly include Transparency Solomon Islands, People With Disability Solomon Islands, the Solomon Islands Development Trust, Malaita Women Caucus and Malaita Youth Caucus, the Solomon Islands National Council of Women, the National Youth Congress, and the Solomon Islands Social Accountability Coalition – a faith-based Oxfam Solomon Islands proxy.

These civil society organizations helped to “expand the coverage of anti-government sentiment in local communities” using training and awareness programs, the source said, with the engagements designed to maneuver voters into the idea that “the current situation of poor governance” could only be resolved my making the “right choice” come election time.

The source expressed concerns that the US may resort to fomenting another riot during the upcoming election, which they said has “become a consensus” for USAID and its local allies, although it’s uncertain whether this may be done before the vote to try to undermine it, or afterwards “to change” an unsatisfactory result. 

“For me, what I really care about is not the motivation of the US intervention in foreign countries’ general election, but the terrible consequences that this may cause. If the [USAID-sponsored] ‘awareness campaign’ fails, the US has still got a Plan B. The US and its agents have almost come into agreement that they will again plan another riot just like the 2021 Honiara riot to achieve their goals,” the source told Sputnik.

 “The reason I choose to expose this is to try to prevent a possible disaster. This is urgent. Solomon Islanders are very simple and kind. Their rights of equality, freedom and development should be respected. They should not be played by any external forces,” the source summed up.* Designated a foreign agent under Russian law.

 

https://sputnikglobe.com/20240409/is-us-plotting-electoral-coup-in-solomon-islands-1117758198.html

 

it's time for being earnest.....

 

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