AS VLADIMIR PUTIN IS BLAMED FOR ALL THE ILLS IN THE WORLD, TO THE POINT THE UKRAINIAN LEADERSHIP INTIMATES THAT THE HAMAS ATTACK ON ISRAEL WAS A RUSSIAN DISTRACTION FROM “UKRAINE WINNING AGAINST RUSSIA” (UKRAINE IS LOSING BY 10 MILES AND A DIFFERENTIAL OF 800 DEAD SOLDIER PER DAY), ONE CAN WONDER ABOUT NATO BEING A ZIONIST OUTFIT.

We know that:

— Hamas is a 23* year old creation of Netanyahu to divide the Palestinians…

— Israel knew in advance of the October 7 Hamas attack…

— Most of the Israelis on October 7 where killed by THE IDF (Israeli forces)

— Letting Hamas attack Israel was a set up by Netanyahu:

      — to get rid of the Palestinians in Gaza

      — To steal the oil and gas offshore of Gaza

      — take over the Gaza Strip by Jewish settlers

      — take more Palestinian lands in the West Bank

      — force the Americans to “defend” Israel NO MATTER WHAT.

 

MEANWHILE, PUTIN HAS STATED SOME DIRECTED GOALS FOR HIS MILITARY INTERVENTION IN UKRAINE:

— Denazification of Ukraine

— Protection of ethnic Russians in Ukraine

— Prevent Ukraine for becoming a NATO hub

 

In order to achieve these goals, PUTIN had made some GENEROUS overtures to the West, which were rejected in December 2021. Military intervention became the only solution when Ukraine/NATO intensified bombing of Russians in Ukraine/Donbass region in early 2022. Because of the Western refusal to negotiate, Putin had no choice but to "annex" the former Russian provinces. 

 

UKRAINE HAS BEEN AND IS A HOT BED OF ZIONISM and of NAZISM. These two seemingly opposite ideals are presently meshed/entangled in the desire to promote the American conquest of the world. On the other side of the equation, the RUSSIAN communist REVOLUTION WAS ENGINEERED BY ZIONISTS… But communism became the bête Noire for the Zionist-AMERICANS. Sharing (socialism) is an anti-capitalism competitive ideals.

 

Conclusion: NATO may not be a Zionist outfit, but it works HARD to promote the superiority of the Western “CHOSEN PEOPLE” (the Israeli Jews) to control the planet. 

WE NOW READ A COUPLE OF ARTICLES WRITTEN BY JEWS JUST AFTER THE BEGINNING OF THE RUSSIAN INTERVENTION IN UKRAINE:

 

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History Is Not Destiny: Thoughts about the Russian War against Ukraine and the Jewish Past in the RegionElissa Bemporad, Queens College and The CUNY Graduate Center

As a scholar of Eastern European Jewry, I am intimately familiar with some of the darkest pages in the history of the Jewish communities of Ukraine. I’ve recently written about the pogroms of the Russian Civil War, an exceptionally brutal conflict that broke out following the October Revolution of 1917 and lasted until 1921, between different armies and troops vying to control the territories of the former Russian Empire. Among them were Ukrainian troops, desperately struggling for independence against the Red Army. I’ve chronicled the violence experienced by many Jewish settlements west of the River Dnipro, as Ukrainian forces resented Jews for their alleged pro-Communist position, as saboteurs of the Ukrainian dream of independence. 

The tragic pages that tell the story of more than 100,000 Jews murdered in the towns and cities of Ukraine during the civil war are preceded by other painful ones: the anti-Jewish violence perpetrated during the 1648–49 Cossack uprising led by Bohdan Khmielnitsky—and then, more than a century later, the massacres carried out by Ivan Gonta, as both leaders fought against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Some of these pages have fortified Jewish collective memory for centuries, as Jewish identity and the history of these catastrophes became closely intertwined. 

Other bouts of violence against the Jewish communities of Ukraine took place in the long nineteenth century, when waves of anti-Jewish pogroms occurred in the midst of extraordinary political upheaval: in 1881–82, unleashed by the assassination of Tsar Alexander II, and then in 1905, during the failed first Russian Revolution.

The culmination of the darkness came during World War II, when the Germans invaded the Soviet Union. With an estimated one and a half million Jews killed in Ukraine from June 1941–44, with thousands of Ukrainians assisting Germans in slaughtering their Jewish neighbors (deceived by the German promise of independence), the Holocaust remains the most somber page in the history of the Jews in the region. In his 1943 account the great writer Vasily Grossman described a Ukraine in which “there are no Jews. Nowhere—not in Poltava, Kharkov, Kremenchug, Borispol, not in Iagotin… Stillness. Silence. A people has been murdered.”[1]

It would, however, be an immeasurable distortion to reduce the history of the Jews in Ukraine to a narrative of pogroms-cum-Holocaust, imposing on the region a teleology of anti-Jewish violence. The towns and cities of Ukraine were far from being mere sites of destruction and suffering; most of the time they were places of coexistence, where Jews produced some of the greatest chapters in the history of Eastern European Jewish life, achieving a grandeur and originality in the spheres of culture, religious life, and politics, ranging from Hasidism and Hebrew poetry to Yiddish literature and Socialist Zionism. 

The names of the same towns and cities that form such an important part of the Eastern European Jewish past have been resounding consistently in the media since February 24, 2022, when Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine: Uman, Cherkasy, Kyiv, Dnipro, Odessa, Zhytomir, Lviv, Chernivtsy. The horrific war of aggression against the independent state of Ukraine, which is but the latest link in the chain of Russian and Soviet imperialism, as well as a continuation of Putin’s war of 2014 that resulted in Russia’s annexation of Crimea, is having a deep effect on Jewish life and history. The war, which has already triggered the greatest refugee crisis in Europe since World War II, with its indiscriminate shelling of civilians, also affects the approximately 100,000 Jews living in Ukraine today.

When reading accounts about Ukrainians taking refuge in a mikvah in Uman together with their Jewish neighbors, or about Hasidic Jews taking up arms to defend their country alongside Ukrainian soldiers, one might be tempted to explain all this by calling attention to a common enemy, which can eliminate preexisting tensions and heal the wounds of the past. But the truth is that following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukraine has not only become the most democratic state in the post-Soviet landscape outside of the Baltics, it has also inaugurated a new chapter in the Jewish history of the region, reminding us that history evolves and should not always be written through the specter of the violence of the past.

The peak of this evolution over the past thirty years has been the democratic election of a Jewish president, Volodymir Zelensky, who in 2019 won with an overwhelming majority of 73 percent of the votes—something implausible in any other country in Eurasia—and whose Jewishness was never instrumentalized by his political opponents in Ukraine, but only recently by Putin and his puppet government in Belarus. Zelensky not only passed a law against antisemitism, which was approved by the Ukrainian Parliament in the fall of 2021, but also dedicated the Ukrainian government’s support to fund a memorial complex at Babyn Yar, the site of the single largest massacre in the history of the Holocaust. The site was neglected and abused for decades under the Soviets, and has recently been damaged by the Russians in their indiscriminate shelling. While antisemitism does exist in Ukraine today, all things considered, life might be more dangerous for Jews in American cities than Ukrainian ones. 

I’ve visited Ukraine multiple times over the course of twenty years, to conduct archival research and teach, and have come to appreciate these changes by engaging with the wonderful scholarly communities of students in Kyiv and Lviv. Siding with Ukraine today does not entail in any way dismissing or forgetting the dark pages of anti-Jewish violence in the region. It is rather a reminder that we can start turning those pages, writing new ones in the book of the Jews of Ukraine.

Jews on All SidesJeffrey Veidlinger, University of Michigan

The Russian invasion of Ukraine is not about the Jews. There are, after all, only about 40,000 people living in Ukraine today who identify as Jewish, and another 150,000 or so who would be considered Jewish according to halakhic law or the Israeli Law of Return. Despite the region’s rich Jewish heritage—the territory of Ukraine once boasted approximately three million Jews constituting about 12 percent of the overall population—Jews are today a small minority. About 1.5 million Jews were murdered there during the Holocaust, and millions more fled before, during, and after the Second World War. 

Yet, as has been well publicized in recent weeks, Ukraine today is the only country outside of Israel with a Jewish president and, for a few months in 2019, the only country outside of Israel to have ever had both a Jewish president and a Jewish prime minister. As Russian military aggression in Ukraine has increased, Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky has referred to his Jewish background with greater frequency, beginning after a Russian missile hit a television tower near Babyn Yar. 

At the same time, Russian President Vladimir Putin has repeatedly and disingenuously justified his aggression on the grounds of denazifying Ukraine, implicitly referencing Jewish suffering in Ukraine during the Holocaust. It is no secret that many of the oligarchs associated with Putin are of Jewish ancestry, and some, like Renova Group president Viktor Vekselberg and the co-founder of Alfa-Group Mikhail Fridman, were born in Ukraine. The Israeli Holocaust Memorial Museum Yad Vashem even petitioned the United States to have Russian billionaire Roman Abramovich kept off any sanctions list on account of his beneficence to the museum.

As if to underline the point, Israeli Prime Minster Naftali Bennet made a dramatic trip to Moscow, meeting for three hours with Putin to discuss an end to the war. He has also been in close and regular contact with Zelensky in an effort to mediate an end to the war.

In short, there are Jews on all sides of this conflict. 

In my recent book, In the Midst of Civilized Europe: The Pogroms of 1918–1921 and the Onset of the Holocaust, I argued that the presence of Jews on all sides of the conflict that enveloped Ukraine during the revolutionary era following the First World War meant that whichever side you were on, there was always a Jew to blame. 

As a result, about one hundred thousand Jews were killed in more than one thousand pogroms that took place in some five hundred different locales.

These pogroms took place during a period of political change. In February 1917, the Russian tsar, who had ruled over much of Ukraine, was overthrown and a new provisional government was established in St. Petersburg. Its leader, Alexander Kerensky, was a Russian lawyer widely derided, incorrectly, as a Jew. In Ukraine, a new parliament was established under the leadership of the Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Hrushevsky and the Ukrainian writer Volodymyr Vynnychenko. Vynnychenko’s Jewish wife was very likely an inspiration for his stories about the difficulty of Jewish life in Russia, as well as his commitment to the multinational character of the region. The government they established in Ukraine boasted a secretariat of national affairs with a vice-secretariat of Jewish affairs, and eventually even a ministry of Jewish affairs. 

Both the governments of Kerensky and of Hrushevsky and Vynnychenko were threatened by the Bolsheviks, who sought to foment a proletarian revolution in Ukraine and establish a European-wide Soviet republic. Their leader was Vladimir Lenin, but the face of the revolution in Ukraine and throughout Europe was Leon Trotsky. Born Lev Bronstein to a Jewish family in the Ukrainian village of Yanivka, Trotsky served as Commissar for Foreign Affairs as well as head of the Soviet Red Army. The two positions rendered him, if not more powerful than Lenin, at least more visible. Together with Grigorii Zinoviev, Adolph Joffe, Karl Radek, and Trotsky’s brother-in-law Lev Kamenev, Trotsky represented the revolution to the western world. “Their leaders are almost all of them Jews with altogether fantastic ideas,” wrote Ottokar Czernin, the Austrian nobleman who was one of the first to negotiate with the Bolsheviks. “I do not envy the country that is governed by them.” 

With their demands for nationalization and their attacks on private industry, though, the Bolsheviks also posed a threat to the many Jews who worked as merchants, artisans, and small business owners, to those who operated the mills and leather factories, and owned the dry goods stores and canteens that served as the economic lifeblood of almost every small town in Ukraine. When the Bolsheviks attacked the bourgeoisie and the capitalists, many Jews trembled. Many of these individuals put their faith, at least initially, in the White Army of Russia, which promised a restoration of property rights and a return to law and order. Before the Whites started massacring Jews on the accusation of Bolshevism, Jews tended to welcome their arrival in town, greeting them with bread and salt and holding Torah scrolls.

In short, because Jews were visible on all sides of the conflict, they came to symbolize the enemy to everyone. The presence of Jews today on all sides of the current conflict is a testament to the ease with which Jews, after decades of repression in the Soviet Union, have been able to succeed in the modern states of Russia and Ukraine. But as rockets fall on Babyn Yar and synagogues turn into bomb shelters, it is worth remembering how Jews have fared when wars have ravaged the region in the past.

 

READ MORE:

https://katz.sas.upenn.edu/resources/blog/ironies-history-ukraine-crisis-through-lens-jewish-history

 

SEE ALSO: 

with friends like these .....

 

the image you might not see in the australian liberal press...

 

 

the spirit of ANZAC hijacked by Israel .....

 

 

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