Thursday 26th of December 2024

they want their version of the flying pigs story to become ours....

Why are we being bombarded by fact-checks and “anti-disinformation” efforts in our timeline scrolls? When reading the new, we too often find that so-called “experts” are behind whatever claim media professionals make, no matter how outlandish or disconnected from reality such claims may be.

Through his concept and exploration of spectacle, a totalizing, negating force over our lives that results in what is really “unlife,” French Philosopher Guy Debord’s famous Society of the Spectacle (1967) and his follow-up booklet, Comments on the Society of the Spectacle (1988), provide insights into these and related phenomena. 

 

By Stavroula Pabst
Propaganda in Focus

 

When it comes to “fact-checks” and “experts,” Debord is clear: in a society subjugated by the economy, where “everything that was once directly lived has faded into representation,” such professionals do not exist to provide us the truth — they exist to serve the state and media through lies and distortions spun into what appears as true. If the “experts” lose influence, it will be because the public learns and articulates that their job is to systematically lie.

“Disinformation” appears as one of the biggest bogeymen in today’s increasingly online world. Governments warn of the dangers it apparently poses to society and democracy, and mainstream media organizations in turn direct resources to counter-disinformation and to fact-checking. In the name of “being informed,” people cannot often go online without being bombarded by fact-checks or warnings about what content to consume and share with their social and professional networks.

While anti-disinformation efforts proliferate, what’s missing from the conversation is a discussion about power. The powerful have reasons for wanting to combat what they consider to be “disinformation” — they want their version of the truth to become ours. Many commentators observe as such, noting that so-called disinformation researchers, fact-checkers and experts are often partisan in nature who frequently disseminate things that are not true.

But a larger force is at work within the rise of fact-checking and other counter-disinformation efforts. That force is our society’s current arrangement of appearances, the totality of social relations mediated by images, or spectacle.

Spectacle, as elucidated in Debord’s The Society of the Spectacle, is a concept that can help us to understand seemingly unconnected, yet deeply intertwined phenomena that have come to fruition as the economy has subjugated society to its needs (as opposed to the other way around), and thus to recover our ability to experience life directly.

As its dominance over our everyday lives grows complete, the spectacle has become powerful enough to turn our understanding of what is true upside down. Because spectacle replaces real life with a mere mediated representation of life that cannot be experienced directly, it provides a framework where mass deceptions and lies can consistently and convincingly appear as true. 

Thus, spectacle is perhaps one of the most effective tools we have to explain how elite deceptions, including fabrications and lies about imperialist wars like those in Iraq and Syria, can consistently go unpunished and even unnoticed. As such, it follows that spectacle can help us understand how modern fact-checks and counter-disinformation initiatives can consistently do the opposite of what they claim.

This article examines spectacle’s current “lines of advance” as they appear in our news cycles, feeds and timelines, where “fact-checks” and “expert’s” claims are seemingly impossible to avoid.

This cannot be understood solely as a critique of media systems but must involve spectacle as a whole, which as a concept (as Debord’s book title, The Society of the Spectacle, suggests) pertains to all of society. Aspects of modern life are “not accidentally or superficially spectacular,” or otherwise excessive: rather, society is “fundamentally spectaclist.” Within a fundamentally spectaclist society, the rise of power-serving fact-checkers must be understood as inevitable.

What is Spectacle?

“In societies where modern conditions of production prevail, life is presented as an immense accumulation of spectacles. Everything that was directly lived has receded into a representation.” — Guy Debord

In Debord’s 1967 Society of the Spectacle and its shorter follow-up booklet, the 1988 Comments on the Society of the Spectacle, the philosopher posits that modern life is mediated through images, or representations of life, in a state — a spectacle — that has turned into nothing less than objective and material reality. Our current reality, a society of the spectacle, is one where the world has been turned “upside down” because life can no longer be lived directly but instead only through mere representations of life. Such an organization of appearances facilitates a backwards unreality where truth, when it makes a rare appearance, does so as “a moment of the false.”

The spectacle, which “presents itself as a vast inaccessible reality that can never be questioned,” exists to advance itself infinitely. As Debord says, its sole message is, “What appears is good; what is good appears.” Its manifestation in the world is a “visible negation of life — a negation that has taken on a visible form” which “keeps people in a state of unconsciousness as they pass through practical changes in their conditions of existence.”

The world this spectacle emerges in is one where the economy has subjugated society to its own needs. Having no use for anything but itself, and for advancing itself, the spectacle ignores the reality of practical and natural processes, like aging and rest, and tramples over humans’ need to connect in lieu of its own advancement. 

A master of separation, it has recreated our society without community, and it has obstructed the ability to communicate in general. Such processes and their ramifications ultimately mean people cannot truly experience life for themselves: they have become spectators, bound to an impoverished state of unlife.

 

The Society of the Spectacle & Fact-Checking 

As the spectacle advances its control, message and ultimately “unlife” over daily life, an obvious tool it uses is  mass and social media, which take up growing portions of the average person’s waking hours outside work. Further blurring reality, as Debord claims in Comments on the Society of the Spectacle, the spectacle’s undermining and destruction of history means “contemporary events themselves retreat into a remote and fabulous realm of unverifiable stories, uncheckable statistics, unlikely explanations and untenable reasoning.”

A corporatized media is a perfect medium for such a “fabulous” realm, where truth and reality alike are obscured beyond recognition. Amongst this backdrop of confusion, spectacle increasingly deprives people of physical reality, common historical reference points and community necessary to discuss or debate important political happenings and events. As a consequence, elite narratives permeate from their respective channels unchallenged, especially as dissenting voices find themselves shut out of corporatized, elite, and tech-dominated public discourse.

 

Because spectacle replaces real life with a mere mediated representation of life that cannot be experienced directly, it provides a framework where mass deceptions and lies can consistently and convincingly appear as true.”

 

Debord explained that the spectaclist world is characterized by one-way, top-down communication, rather than meaningful dialogue. He writes that “the passive acceptance [the spectacle] demands is already effectively imposed by its monopoly of appearances, its manner of appearing without allowing any reply.”

As they command increasing control over today’s mass media, those in power are interested in legitimizing their banter — thus reinforcing the spectacle that has awarded them their status — and aim to maintain “whatever is established.” They have an abundance of tools to do this, one of them being a class of “experts,” which Debord warns of in Comments, who superficially appear to provide genuine information to inform the public sphere, but in fact perpetuate elite perspectives to advance their careers and maintain income. In a world “truly turned upside down,” these apparent experts do the exact opposite of what they claim.

Within the context of an expert class, “fact checkers” and the growing phenomenon of so-called disinformation reporters and researchers are a kind of “expert” that act to guard the spectacle’s version of truth. Lay readers and television viewers, likely tired by the demands of their own lives, may look to such professionals to best understand reality and current events. But in practice, such fact-checking operations silence emerging news narratives that go against the grain, such as the once untouchable but now-proven likely Hunter Biden laptop story.

How did such backwards circumstances become reality? In The Society of the Spectacle, Debord explains that the economy subjugating society first presented itself as an “obvious degradation of being into having,” where human fulfillment was no longer attained through what one was, but instead only through what one had. As society’s capitulation to the economy accelerated, the decline from being into having shifted “from having into appearing.” With respect to knowledge, therefore, experts no longer have to be experts or have expertise, they only need to take on the appearance of expertise.

In other words, the “experts say” phrase that crawls unabated through news headlines and fact-checks can be rubber stamped onto just about anything to boost legitimacy because the appearance of legitimacy always trumps content.

As Debord writes in Comments on the Society of the Spectacle:

“All experts serve the state and the media and only in that way do they achieve their status. Every expert follows his master, for all former possibilities for independence have been gradually reduced to nil by present society’s mode of organisation. The most useful expert, of course, is the one who can lie.”

As Debord shows us here, experts only become experts according to the elite’s terms. And Debord’s observation that “former possibilities for independence have been gradually reduced to nil,” rings especially true in today’s world of corporate media, where journalists frequently face precarious work arrangements, mass lay-offs and low wages in an oversaturated career field. Increasingly, to stray from mainstream media narratives is to end up blacklisted from the field all together, leaving many unable or unwilling to rock the boat.

The conditions ultimately crystalize Debord’s “expert” class, which comprises a variety of persons whose societal roles ultimately exist to defend and perpetuate spectacle. Despite constant distortions and lies, their appearance of legitimacy gives the spectacle cover when anyone publicly questions the state of current events.

Because their role is not about legitimate fact-checking, but instead about advancing spectacle, fact-checkers and adjacent media professionals’ work on current events manifests in almost comical ways, including hyper-specific references and the ridicule of potential circumstances later proven to be true.

In 2018, for example, NowThis adorned with circus music a clip of German officials laughing at President Donald Trump over what it called “exaggerated” and “outrageous” claims made at the U.N. about Germany’s dependence on Russian oil. Yet only four years later, Trump’s concerns became reality when Russia cut off major oil pipeline Nord Stream 1’s access to Europe [citing maintenance work, before it was blown up].

Further, while mainstream outlets long hailed the Covid-19 “lab-leak theory” as conspiracy theory or as “disinformation,” thus legitimizing the mass ridiculing and de-platforming of those finding the theory plausible, mainstream media outlets Vanity Fair and ProPublica have finally considered the theory’s possible validity almost three years after the initial crisis began. [The day after President Biden announced an investigation into the lab-leak theory, YouTube lifted its restrictions on speaking about it.]

In these and countless other examples, fact-checkers worked, and continue to work, tirelessly to ridicule legitimate developments and smear them as false, further blurring reality and gaslighting an atomized population already reduced to living life indirectly.

 

“A corporatized media is a perfect medium for such a ‘fabulous’ realm, where truth and reality alike are obscured beyond recognition.”

 

Often, fact-checkers are hailed as “independent,” presenting themselves as neutral and principled analysts of current events. In reality, their roles are often created and maintained by wealthy or otherwise-compromised individuals, organizations and governments.

 

How Fact-Checkers & Disinformation ‘Experts’ Crush Dissent

Fact-checking and related efforts are made to be considered vital to stopping “disinformation,” a recently-popularized term that Debord indicated primarily serves spectacle. Yet here lies another contradiction that exists openly in a spectaclist society: the entities most concerned with the so-called disinformation problem (i.e. governments, intelligence agencies and mainstream media) are the most likely to spread falsehoods themselves.

Debord outlined his understanding of the term “disinformation” in Comments, writing that disinformation “is openly employed by particular powers, or, consequently, by people who hold fragments of economic or political authority, in order to maintain what is established; and always in a counter-offensive role.” Of course, “fact-checks” often come out after controversial or power-incriminating news stories do, further fulfilling the counter-offensive role Debord insinuated they play to bury challenges to power.

Many prominent fact-checking media organizations and institutions have partnered with or been funded in some capacity by the U.S. government, suggesting their partial or full utility as proxy intelligence instruments. 

So-called “trust rating” system NewsGuard Technologies, for example, partners directly with organizations including Microsoft, the U.S. Departments of Defense and State, and is even advised by former C.I.A. and NSA director Michael Hayden and former NATO Secretary General Anders Fogg Rasmussen.

[Related: US State-Affiliated NewsGuard Targets Consortium News 

Further, as Alan MacLeod reported in MintPress News, organizations including VoxCheck, the Poynter Institute and StopFake have received funding through the U.S. Embassy or the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a U.S. government-backed organization explicitly established during the Reagan era as a Central Intelligence Agency front group. Former NED Acting President Allen Weinstein even admitted in a 1991 interview that “A lot of what [the NED does] today was done covertly 25 years ago by the C.I.A. The biggest difference is that when such activities are done overtly, the flap potential is close to zero. Openness is its own protection.”

Perhaps to cover for their dubious funding sources and affiliations, fact-checking and equivalent operations often take on elaborate appearances, frequently employing “experts” who effectively act to bolster mainstream narratives. Examples include documented proxy British intelligence operation Bellingcat, an initially one-man-organization that, with heavy publicity, became one of journalism’s biggest names overnight. Through apparently sophisticated “open source investigations,” the organization has ultimately worked to protect mainstream news narratives about the wars in Syria and Ukraine, including labelling research critical of the Western-backed and terrorist-turned-humanitarian White Helmets in Syria as, predictably, “disinformation.”

Similarly, government- and Gates Foundation-funded Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) frequently smears reporters countering mainstream media narratives through their work, jeopardizing their targets’ careers. In its work to “revers[e] the rising tide of polarisation, extremism and disinformation worldwide,” the ISD calls for nebulous actions to regulate or otherwise disrupt the spread of “disinformation” that in fact leads to the censorship of dissenting voices and stifling public debate. In its “About” page, the ISD even brags about the number of social media accounts it has helped to ban.

But just as Debord’s spectacle allows for no real response to its actions — “its manner of appearing without allowing any reply” — the ISD often does not respond when asked for comment, debate or proof that their claims of “disinformation” hold water. Indeed, the ISD even changed its complaint policy to not “engage with complaints made by bad faith actors, or amplify disinformation, extremism or hate” after reporter Aaron Maté challenged their baseless smear attempt, in collaboration with The Guardian, against him. The ISD doesn’t have to provide proof or respond to rebuttals when they make claims about others: in a spectaclist society, their accusations alone can kill careers.

Debord wrote on the phenomenon, applicable to anyone who skirts mainstream narratives, in Comments

“A person’s past can be entirely rewritten, radically altered, recreated in the manner of the Moscow trials — and without even having to bother with anything as clumsy as a trial. Killing comes cheaper these days.”

Further crystallizing the spectacle’s refusal of reply and the “killings” it facilitates, fact-checking and corporate-facilitated mass bans and delegitimizations of journalists’ social media accounts occur en masse, and are especially common for individuals and organizations providing information and content swimming against the current. By late May 2022, for example, YouTube had removed over 9,000 channels producing materials related to the war in Ukraine.

And Twitter and Facebook continue labeling non-Western accounts, often anti-imperialist networks and associated journalists as “state-affiliated” or “state-controlled,” in attempts to discredit them.

[Related: Narrative Control Firm Targeting Alternative Media]

Smears, demonetizations and de-platforming with respect to journalists and outlets that stray from mainstream narratives, including hit pieces on Kim Iversen and Eva Bartlett as well as PayPal and Twitter de-platforming of organizations such as Mint Press News and Russia Today, are increasingly common. In many cases, such decisions about bans and de-platforming are based on conclusions made by “independent” fact-checkers who decide particular claims or research conclusions are incorrect or otherwise “harmful,” a nebulous term that can easily be used against dissenters because such an accusation requires no real evidence or proof.

[Related: ‘Mistaken’ PayPal Email Means CN Is Permanently Banned]

While independent, adversarial sources are left to try to produce work within increasingly prohibitive restraints, mainstream media channels and fact-checkers consistently parrot distorted or false narratives without consequence.

[Related: WATCH: PayPal, Censorship & Democracy]

Much of the media coverage of the conflict in Ukraine, for example, obscures basic facts, including the nature and reality of the Ukrainian military’s neo-Nazi elements, and especially the Azov Battalion, widely associated with neo-Nazism before the current conflict. This has led to controversy in places like Greece, where Ukrainian Prime Minister Zelensky’s decision to allow an Azov Battalion member to speak during his virtual address to the country’s Parliament in April 2022 resulted in widespread outrage. 

[Related: On the Influence of Neo-Nazism in Ukraine]

And many mainstream news sources posited the recent missile strike in Poland was Russian in origin with little evidence, bringing international tensions to the brink. As news emerged that the missile was likely Ukrainian, updates were published and articles were rescinded — but not until after Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky called to further escalate the conflict. While the Associated Press (AP) journalist who broke the story after receiving false information from U.S. intel was fired, an event remarkable enough to make international news headlines, dozens of prominent outlets still uncritically repeated the AP’s initial claims that the missile was Russian.

Disingenuous media portrayals of current events are common. But the current arrangement, where mainstream media spreads disinformation unabated while those telling the truth face reprimand, is not an accident. Rather, many mainstream journalists and fact-checkers have their jobs because their words serve the state and spectacle alike.

Such a toxic media environment, of course, is self-reinforcing: any “fact checker” or “expert” who strays from their work advancing the spectacle knows they risk the very smears they now spout. In today’s world, likewise, everyone is subconsciously aware of this reality because they too could be “canceled” online or in real life with little chance at defense. Considering the Ukrainian government’s kill list against journalists such as Eva Bartlett and prominent figures including musician Roger Waters, one could say Debord’s “killing” has taken on a literal form, though of course fact checkers find such claims misleading.

At the time of writing, the relative ability of spectacular media narratives to sway or otherwise confuse public opinion, as current and recent events including the war in Syria, the Ukraine conflict and the coronavirus crisis demonstrate, is unprecedented.

Many are increasingly able to grasp, however, that some kind of deception or misdirection is often ongoing. Namely, the public is learning to understand the deceptive nature of the “experts” adorning their screens, as the flop and subsequent shutting of CNN+, a $100 million streaming service that only received about 10,000 subscriptions, shows. Trust in the media is reaching record lows in the U.S. and internationally: a July 2022 Gallup poll revealed only 16 percent of U.S. adults had “a great deal” or “quite a lot” of confidence in the reporting quality of newspapers and 11 percent in television-based news respectively.

“The current thing” meme surfacing and gaining traction over the past year, furthermore, articulates a collective sense that many news events, or their impacts, are somehow manufactured or sensationalized in ways that aren’t organic.

This collective, if un-articulated knowledge that the media is somehow wrong or misleading coincides with Debord’s claim in Comments that people subconsciously understand that, as the spectacle continues its upending of social relations, something fundamental has changed about life itself.

As Debord wrote in Comments:

“The vague feeling that there has been a rapid invasion which has forced people to lead their lives in an entirely different way is now widespread; but this is experienced rather like some inexplicable change in the climate, or in some other natural equilibrium, a change faced with which ignorance knows only that it has nothing to say.”

The spectacle’s totality of domination over our lives is an amazing yet shocking feat that forces those recognizing the phenomenon to reckon with the “un-lives” we live. Thus, while “ignorance knows… it has nothing to say,” overriding and dismantling the spectacle requires finding something to say: as Debord said, a “practical force must be set in motion.”

This “practical force” needs the meaningful dialogue that spectacle’s creep into our lives has largely eliminated, if not wholly erased, via phenomena including today’s fact-checking and anti-disinformation crazes. That dialogue and communication cannot be initiated by atomized individuals or by lonely crowds susceptible to spectacle’s influence, but by people who share community and a meaningful connection to what Debord described as “universal history,” “where dialogue arms itself to make its own conditions victorious.”

As Debord put it, “We can truly understand this society only by negating it.” If the “experts” lose influence, it will be because the public has rejected them outright, articulates that their role is to deceive on behalf of the powerful.

 

 

Selected References: Debord, Guy. Comments on the Society of the Spectacle. Translated by Malcolm Imrie. London and New York: Verso Books, 1990. 

Debord, Guy. The Society of the Spectacle. Translated by Ken Knabb. Berkeley, California: Bureau of Public Secrets, 2014.  Society of the Spectacle Annotated Edition.pdf.

 

Stavroula Pabst is a writer, comedian and media PhD student at the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens in Greece. Her writing has appeared in publications including AthensLiveReductressPassage and The Grayzone.

 

This article is from Propaganda in Focus, republished under a Creative Commons license.

The views expressed are solely those of the author and may or may not reflect those of Consortium News.

 

READ MORE:

https://consortiumnews.com/2023/01/05/who-determines-whats-disinformation/

 

 

FREE JULIAN ASSANGE NOW....

a turkey called troianovski.....

 

By Patrick Lawrence / Original to ScheerPost

 

It is never very easy to understand what is going on in the world if you depend on The New York Times for an accounting of daily events. This is especially so in all matters to do with Russia, China, or any other nation The Times has on its blacklist because the policy cliques in Washington have these countries on their blacklist. Rely on The Times for its reporting in these cases and you are by definition in the dark. No exceptions. This is what the once-but-no-longer newspaper of record has done to itself and to its readers over, I would say, the past 20–odd years. It is now nothing more than an instrument of the imperial ideology emanating from our nation’s capital. 

It follows that we must always take care to read The Times, odious as we may find it, in the same way millions of Soviet citizens over many decades made it a point to read Pravda. As noted severally in these commentaries, it is important to know what we are supposed to think happened on a given day before going in search of what happened. 

Never were these assertions truer than they were as 2022 turned to 2023. On December 30, Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping gathered by video for one of their regular summits. The Russian and Chinese presidents have now met, in person or electronically, 40–odd times by my count. A day later Putin delivered his customary New Year’s address to the Russian people. These were momentous events by any measure. They declared Moscow’s and Beijing’s historic commitment to constructing nothing less than a new world order. The world turned in 2022, to put the point another way. But you could not possibly know this if you read The Times’s accounts and nothing more. 

Here I must single out the reporting of Anton Troianovski. While I do not approve of attacking a journalist in ad hominem fashion, it is meet and just, as the New Testament would put it, to single out Troianovski as the worst Moscow bureau chief The Times has had in place at least since Andrew Higgins, Troianovski’s immediate predecessor, who was in turn the worst bureau chief since Neil MacFarquhar, who preceded Higgins and was worse than his predecessor, and let us leave it there, as this list of worse-than-the-worst extends back many years.

In the method just outlined, I read first of the Putin–Xi summit, which was unusually long and pointed, in a piece Troianovski filed afterward from Moscow. I then read the detailed readouts issued by the Chinese and Russian governments, which are respectively here and here. Then I was astonished to discover the sheer irresponsibility of Troianovski and his employer. Even correspondents who serve more or less openly as propagandists can sink lower than what you thought was their low point, I had to remind myself. 

Let us bridge the vast divide between what we are supposed to think happened on December 30 and 31—between what The Times published under Troianovski’s byline after the summit and Putin’s New Year’s address and what was actually said on these two occasions. 

Here are a few passages from the post-summit readout issued by the Chinese Foreign Ministry:

President Xi noted that… the China-Russia comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination for a new era has grown more mature and resilient, with the internal impetus and special value of bilateral cooperation further brought out. In the first 11 months of this year, two-way trade volume reached a record high. Investment cooperation has been improved and integrated. Energy cooperation continues to serve as an anchor. And cooperation projects in key areas are moving forward steadily…. In a changing and turbulent international environment, it is important that China and Russia remain true to the original aspiration of cooperation, maintain strategic focus, enhance strategic coordination, continue to be each other’s development opportunity and global partner, and strive to bring more benefits to the two peoples and greater stability to the world.

Further on:

President Xi emphasized that the world has now come to another historical crossroads. To revert to a Cold War mentality, provoke division and antagonism, and stoke confrontation between blocs, or to act out of the common good of humanity to promote equality, mutual respect and win-win cooperation—the tug of war between these two trends is testing the wisdom of statesmen in major countries as well as the reason of the entire humanity. Facts have repeatedly proven that containment and suppression is unpopular, and sanction and interference is doomed to fail. 

And, following the above:

China stands ready to join hands with Russia and all other progressive forces around the world who oppose hegemony and power politics, to reject any unilateralism, protectionism and bullying, firmly safeguard the sovereignty, security and development interests of the two countries and uphold international fairness and justice. The two sides need to maintain close coordination and collaboration in international affairs, uphold the authority of the United Nations and the status of international law, stand for true multilateralism, and fulfill their responsibilities as major countries and lead by example on such issues as protecting global food and energy security.

And, toward the conclusion:

The two presidents exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis. President Xi stressed that China has noted Russia’s statement that it has never refused to resolve the conflict through diplomatic negotiations and China commends that. The path of peace talks will not be a smooth one, but as long as parties do not give up, there will always be prospect for peace. China will continue to hold an objective and impartial position, work to build synergy in the international community and play a constructive role toward peaceful resolution of the Ukraine crisis.

It is not difficult to understand what Xi was conveying in these summarized remarks. He was describing the leading role China and Russia have assumed in the construction of a new world order wherein non–Western nations achieve parity with the West, wherein the latter’s presumption of superiority is a thing of the past, wherein international law and the authority of multilateral institutions such as the United Nations are sovereign. Not least, Xi placed the Ukraine crisis in the context of this larger project. 

In my read, the year end summit was intended to confirm the determination the two sides voiced last February 4, three weeks before Russia began its intervention in Ukraine. This was the date Putin and Xi issued their Joint Declaration on International Relations Entering a New Era and Global Sustainable Development. As I noted at the time, I count that the single most important document advanced so far in our new century, one that defines just what it says, a new era. 

As a Russian commentator remarked in an analysis of the December 31 summit, “2022 has been a year which has significant consequences for the future of global geopolitics and will be remembered as such in the history books. It marked the closing of three decades of American unipolarity, which had begun with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, and forced through a new multipolar world consisting of numerous competing great powers.”

To be clear at this point, it is not a question of approving or disapproving of the new realities that arrived in the course of the year gone by. It is a question only of grasping them, like them or not.

Usefully enough, the Kremlin’s readout of the Putin–Xi on-screen summit was a transcript. Here are a couple of snippets from it:

In the context of growing geopolitical tensions, the importance of the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership as a stability factor is growing. Our relations have passed all the tests, demonstrating their maturity and stability, and they continue to grow dynamically. As both of us pointed out, our current relations are enjoying the best period in their history and can be regarded as a model of cooperation between major powers in the 21st century.

And:

Moscow and Beijing’s coordination on the international arena, including at the U.N. Security Council, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, BRICS [Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa], and the G–20, serves to create a fair world order based on international law. We share the same views on the causes, course, and logic of the ongoing transformation of the global geopolitical landscape. In the face of unprecedented pressure and provocations from the West, we defend our principled positions and protect not only our own interests, but also the interests of all those who stand for a truly democratic world order and the right of countries to freely determine their destiny.

Mature, stable, dynamic relations. The transformation of the global geopolitical landscape. The right of countries to freely determine their destiny–this last including the Russian-speaking people in eastern Ukraine, whose political rights were highjacked with the U.S.-cultivated coup nine years ago and in whose name Russia intervened not quite a year ago. Risking conjecture, maybe this is something readers of The New York Times would do well to know about. 

Ditto Putin’s year-end message. It was a specifically Russian take on what was said during the Russian leader’s summit with Xi, so I will not go long on it:

The year 2022 is drawing to a close. It was a year of difficult but necessary decisions, of important steps towards Russia’s full sovereignty…

It was a year that put many things in their place, and drew a clear line between courage and heroism, on the one hand, and betrayal and cowardice on the other… 

The outgoing year has brought great and dramatic changes to our country and to the world. It was filled with uncertainty, anxiety and worry…. For years, Western elites hypocritically assured us of their peaceful intentions… But… the West lied to us about peace while preparing for aggression, and to cynically use Ukraine and its people as a means to weaken and divide Russia. We have never allowed anyone to do this and we will not allow it now.

I have quoted at some length two men capable of reading history’s clock. It is pointless, to repeat a thought shared earlier, to protest against what clocks tell us. Clocks will simply keep ticking, their hands moving inexorably forward. 

There is, of course, the alternative of not looking at the clock and pretending it is not ticking. This is a pretty good way to describe what Anton Troianovski’s coverage of the events just reviewed urges New York Times readers to do. 

Troianovski’s piece on the Putin–Xi summit appeared under the headline, “Xi and Putin Meet Again, Two Strongmen in a Weak Moment,” and it earns every bit of the naked dishonesty of those 11 words. They are “in positions of weakness,” they are “encumbered by geopolitical and economic threats,” they are “isolated,” they struggle “to maintain a semblance of diplomatic and financial stability.” 

Let me be blunt, as I am in no mood to waste a lot of linage on this appalling turkey: None of these statements is an accurate representation of the truth. Far down in the piece, as is the practice among Times correspondents, we can read a few swift, blurred mentions of what actually transpired between Xi and Putin, as not even The Times can pretend indefinitely, but by then Times readers are well prepared to think night is day, black white, and the sky not blue. Nowhere but nowhere does Troianovski give any indication of the gravity and significance of the global transformation the two leaders dwelt upon at length. To read his piece is to come away thinking their summit consisted of piffle exchanged between two crippled, cornered desperados whose knees knock. 

As to Putin’s New Year’s address, Troianovski gave it one paragraph of two sentences’ length. “Mr. Putin vowed to continue his onslaught against Ukraine,” he wrote, “asserting that ‘moral and historical righteousness is on our side.’” That’s it. The rest of the piece went to the messages a few detained dissidents, Alexei Navalny high among them, sent out to their followers. I do not know the merits or otherwise of any case against any Russian dissident. But to neglect the significance of what the Russian leader had to say to his nation so fully as Troianovski has done is hopelessly poor journalism to put the point too mildly. 

You don’t get good journalism out of The Times’s Moscow bureau. It has long been as simple as that. The weight of ideology, as transmitted through their employers and editors, bears too heavily upon those who staff it. In Troianovski’s Russia, nothing good ever happens. All is misery and repression. He stops just short of giving us Russians shuffling through the snow with downcast eyes, sunken cheeks, and their feet bound in rags. Never does our Anton mention Putin’s 80 percent approval rating, to say nothing of explaining it—which I would appreciate a correspondent doing.

These things being as they are, it nonetheless seems to me a step too far to obscure the import of the latest Putin–Xi summit and the former’s remarks to Russians to the extent Troianovski has done. Given the significance of the year gone by, this is too a bold betrayal of his profession and his readers to let go by without notice. 

Do you think the cultivation of ignorance in this fashion is a sign of a society’s health—a restorative, a source of strength? Or is it the opposite, one cause among many of the palpable decline in our public discourse, the tearing of our social fabric, the rampant confusion among us, the absence of purpose with which so many of us must live?

 

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https://scheerpost.com/2023/01/04/patrick-lawrence-the-sino-russian-summit-you-didnt-read-about/

 

 

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pushing pigs to make them fly.....

 

BY Phil Butler

 

It’s a bit funny how propaganda works, especially the lies woven by the western elites these last few years. Take the Russian economy, for instance. A recent Twitter trend was #RunOnRussianBanks. With over 8,000 Tweets of photos of a dozen people standing in line in the snow at an ATM, the intent is to create a panic, I guess. Then there are the Washington think tanks claiming the conflict with the west has already set Russia back decades. Ditto, and ditto, at the New York Times and the media following them. If you live in Des Moines, Iowa (for instance), Russia is about to crumble beneath America’s geopolitical, financial, and/or military might.

There’s a problem, however. First, and perhaps foremost, these media and think tank reports are almost all written by Cal Berkeley transplants in Moscow institutions who were sleepers set to man the negative PR campaigning effort against Putin when all hell broke loose. Now, all hell has broken open, and the amplitude has been turned up. On Twitter, nefarious disinformation groups sponsored by the US or Soros, or both, play at the game the same way they blamed Russia for trolling social media. Visegrád Group, for instance, is a rat’s nest of liberal order crazies hell-bent, and I mean hell-bent, on a war on Russia.

Looking at the profiles Visegrad24’s first followed when coming online in 2020, you find assistant exorcist Dominik Tarczyński, the European Parliament’s Polish poster child representing the ruling PiS party. His role, the role of the PiS, has been to transform public media in Poland into a “propaganda mouthpiece” for the government and to attack the enemies of extreme conservatism. Oh, and to hate Putin and Russia some more.

The Visegrad propagandists are fear-mongering now, saying Russia may move past Ukraine to create a corridor through Moldova to connect Transnistria. The point is to get Romania stirred into a reported “transnational” force comprised of US, Polish, and Romanian forces to try and rescue Kyiv from the coming onslaught. When Russia’s General Sergei “Armageddon,” Surovikin gives the command, experts say a “conflict ending” operation will take place against Ukraine’s crippled armed forces. Viagrad is one of the dozens of groups (clans) targeting all things Russian. Now, let’s return to the economics propaganda. Are Russians rushing the banks to get their cash? Or is the Russian economy cash-heavy right now?

Recently, the Bank of Russia agreed to sell the bailed-out Otkritie Bank to state-owned VTB (VTBR.MM) for 340 billion roubles ($4.7 billion). Most of the deal is to be carried out in cash, with the rest in OFZ treasury bonds. I mention this deal because VTB fell under some of the toughest sanctions imposed by the West on Russia’s financial sector. Nevertheless, they seem liquid enough to fork over billions to buy a distressed bank. Then there’s the Institute of International Finance projection that Russia will post a record $250 billion cash surplus this year. Add to this the fact that Russia’s Central Bank still holds over $300 billion in foreign currencies to leverage currency and debt markets, and you get the right picture of where Russian’s stand. And they’re not rushing in mass to withdraw their rubles.

Due to this international reset mess, Russia’s trade balance is at a record high right now. The surplus for January-September was $198.4 billion, roughly $120 billion higher than for the same period in 2021 and more than double the previous record in 2008. And this is from NPR, not Tass, RT, Fox News, or me. Finally, EU President Ursula von der Leyen’s snarky oil price cap on Russian oil has far backfired. As of last week, Oil prices sat at $3 per barrel higher for a second straight week of gains after Moscow said it could cut crude output in response to the G7 price cap on Russian exports. Meanwhile, India is consuming Russian fossil fuels at ever-increasing rates, and it appears Mr. Putin is preparing to reopen rail loading terminals in East Siberia to increase crude shipments to China and the Asia-Pacific region.

Finally, I just phoned my good friends Evgeny, Ramilya, Sasha, and a countess from the French Riviera I know who just moved to Moscow about all this. Their advice on a cash run was unanimously in favor of staying at home or visiting Red Square for beautiful seasonal festivities. Russia is not broken yet.

 

 

Phil Butler, is a policy investigator and analyst, a political scientist and expert on Eastern Europe, he’s an author of the recent bestseller “Putin’s Praetorians” and other books. He writes exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

 

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https://journal-neo.org/2023/01/03/a-new-twitter-hashtag-russiaflushwithcash-should-be-tweeted/

 

 

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