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the smell of election rubber is in the air...
When the Murdoch media launch into its ritualistic ‘Labor leadership tensions’ routine it can only mean there’s an election on the horizon. But with a poll showing states rated ahead of the feds regarding administering the vaccine, it would appear trust is an issue that will continue to bedevil the Coalition.
‘You can set your political clock to it’: federal election looms
By JENNY HOCKING | On 4 February 2021
It began with an obscure opinion poll in mid-January conducted for the CFMEU, led in Victoria by former Labor stalwart turned vehement anti-Albanese force, John Setka. Perhaps unsurprisingly this poll, conducted by a little-known polling company, of which scant details were released, found that the ALP could lose two heartland seats in the Hunter Valley. This was helpfully kicked along by Labor’s perennial thorn-in-the-side Joel Fitzgibbon, who quickly returned to his favourite and, it seems, his only, theme – coal – and his comments were circulated through NCA Newswire, Murdoch’s new newswire service. It was reported by other media as a leadership problem that now had to be dealt with, Albanese ‘forced to defend his position’, and the ‘Labor leadership crisis’ narrative had begun. In a series of pieces from print to Twitter, click-bait headlines formed thinly disguised political slogans: ‘tick tock’, ‘time’s running out’, ‘the sharks are circling’, ‘Albo’s dead in the water’, and the ubiquitous ‘Albo’s not cutting through’. Although, as Jack Waterford has observed in these pages, exactly what ‘cutting through’ means and by what measure, is never explained. Albanese’s putative difficulties can scarcely be based on the latest opinion polls, now apparently rehabilitated after their collective failure to accurately predict the last election. These show Labor in a competitive position, if not better. Newspoll this week has Labor and the Coalition evenly split on 50% of the two-party preferred vote, making Albanese no more or less likely to form government than Morrison were an election to be called today. Essential Poll, also out this week, has more encouraging news for the opposition, with Labor at 47% two party preferred, Coalition 44% and 8% undecided. The significant factor in the Essential poll is that this is a reversal of their relative positions two weeks ago – Labor has increased its two party preferred vote by 2% and the Coalition has dropped by 4% over that time – and yet the drums are rumbling for Albanese, not Morrison. In the midst of a pandemic in which Australia has performed better than most, this is not where the Morrison government would want to be. As JobKeeper payments are wound back next month, deferred mortgage repayments kick in, and with unemployment showing no sign of shifting, the next six months will be the most difficult the government has yet faced. The power of incumbency is strongest in times of crisis, and even more so when that crisis has been managed effectively as this has. That we have done so, however, is almost entirely due to the states, despite the clear federal responsibility in matters of quarantine and aged care, and this has not been lost on voters. Morrison’s failure to take responsibility for management of the pandemic has handed that power of incumbency to the states, squandering that political capital in what could be a significant own-goal. The Essential poll bears this out in one critical respect. Asked which tier of government they would prefer to administer the Covid-19 vaccine, respondents rated the states ahead of the federal government. This is telling both as a measure of trust in managing the pandemic and as a recognition that it is the states which have successfully done so. In Victoria, it will not easily be forgotten that Morrison failed to visit this state during the protracted, and ultimately successful, lockdown. The prime minister found the time to make a 24-hour visit to Japan, and to quarantine for two weeks in order to do so, while at the same undermining the medical advice on lockdown and border closures in the Labor states of Victoria and Queensland through which those successes were achieved. Nor will it be quickly forgotten that his Victorian ministers Greg Hunt and Josh Frydenberg mocked and undermined the Victorian state government’s protective measures – from border closures to lockdown – without any apparent concern for how those comments might impact on Victorians struggling through it. Morrison badly misread the mood in Victoria, seeing only political opportunism in the state’s second-wave difficulties and failing to support Victorians just when they needed, and wanted, co-operative national leadership. Morrison’s failure to offer that leadership to all states, and not just his own home state of NSW, may well prove costly at the next election and signs are already emerging that it will. Support for the Victorian Labor premier Daniel Andrews and his government is significantly higher than pre-pandemic levels and Victorian Labor is now polling higher than at the last state election, at 58.5% 2pp and with the Liberal-National party opposition languishing on just 41.5% two-party preferred. The Victorian Liberal party is adrift, beset by branch-stacking and riven by ideological divisions – most recently over the Andrews’ Labor government’s move to ban the use of ‘gay-conversion therapy’, a move opposed by a core conservative group in the Victorian Liberal party. A recent audit of the Victorian Liberal branch membership led to the expulsion of 150 illegitimate members, further intensifying internal divisions. The state ructions have now spilt over into the federal arena with key Morrison conservative ally and long-serving member for Menzies, Kevin Andrews, defeated in a bitter pre-selection battle, a coruscating result given the outspoken support for Andrews of the Prime Minister and senior Victorian ministers Josh Frydenberg and Greg Hunt. It is the first time a sitting Victorian Liberal MP has been defeated in a preselection in more than 30 years. Morrison also has to contend with his party’s own thorn-in-the-side, Liberal MP Craig Kelly, over his support for faux Covid treatments such as hydroxychloroquine, his anti-vaxxer stance, and likening of compulsory masks in schools to child abuse. Morrison has refused to condemn Kelly and this week derided ABC journalist and president of the National Press Club, Laura Tingle, for suggesting that Kelly’s repeated Covid-19 misinformation was undermining the government’s multi-million dollar pandemic response. ‘He’s not my doctor and he’s not yours’, Morrison snapped at Tingle, before praising Kelly, ‘But he does a great job in Hughes’ – to much laughter at the press club luncheon. The Royal Australian College of General Practitioners must have missed the joke, issuing a testy statement criticising Kelly for ‘disseminating misinformation’ about coronavirus, and stating that ‘all public figures’ should ‘act responsibly’. As Scott Morrison pegs his electoral fortunes on the successful roll-out of the Covid-19 vaccine, while refusing to rein in his party’s chief peddler of misinformation about it, there seems little chance of that. And that can only spell trouble for the Morrison government.
Read more: https://johnmenadue.com/you-can-set-your-political-clock-to-it/
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nothing but the truth...
He has been called “truth-telling hero”, “evil and perverted traitor”, “heroic, trickster, mythical – reviled”. Robert Manne called him the “most consequential Australian of the present time”. The new US President has called him a “high-tech terrorist”.
The protean narratives of Julian Assange, who will be 50 in July, have been brewing since 2010, when his website published “The Afghan War Diaries”, “Iraq War Logs” and “Collateral Murder”, a video showing the US military killing two Reuters employees in Iraq.
December marked 10 years since Assange has been “arbitrarily detained” in Britain, according to Felicity Ruby and Peter Cronau in their introduction to A Secret Australia – a collection of 18 essays that survey the impact WikiLeaks has had on Australia’s media landscape and the consequences of our government’s attraction towards America’s intelligence and military empire.
The potpourri of authors and thinkers includes Julian Burnside, Antony Loewenstein, Scott Ludlam and Helen Razer, who critique “the powers opposed to openness and transparency” and examine the evidence, “not the likelihoods, the probabilities, the suspicions, and assumptions” around the “subversive, technology-based publishing house”.
WikiLeaks invented a “pioneering model of journalism” – one that embodied the “contemporary spirit of resistance to imperial power”, says Richard Tanter, from the school of political and social sciences at the University of Melbourne. It brought renewed debates on free speech, digital encryption and questions around the management and protection of whistleblowers who risk their lives to expose covert, deceitful actions by governments.
The documents exposed the “brazen duplicity” of the Australian government towards its citizens and presented “off-stage alliance management conversations”, Tanter writes. They invited the layperson into the green room of the performance that is politics and international diplomacy.
WikiLeaks unmasked reports that showed governments recommending media strategies to deceive the public, demonstrating their unethically utilitarian approach to international diplomacy and governance and “enlightened the public on the dark corners of wars”, writes journalist and author Antony Loewenstein.
Assange is still in a cell at London’s Belmarsh Prison, facing an appeal by the United States in its bid to extradite him to face charges for the 2010 publications. He is continuing to be “denied adequate medical care” and “denied emergency bail in light of the COVID-19″, says Lissa Johnson, a clinical psychologist and writer for New Matilda – one of the few Australian publications that have paid genuine attention to the WikiLeaks saga.
In Australia, there’s been a “striking absence of a solid debate on WikiLeaks in the mainstream public discourse”, according to Benedetta Brevini, a journalist and media activist who insists that our concerning “lack of a thorough and sustained debate” is incomprehensible. Loewenstein calls Australia’s lack of journalistic solidarity with Assange “deeply shameful”. He says we have an “anodyne media environment” – perhaps not unsurprising, considering our highly concentrated media market, one of the most severe in the world.
Most of the essays expostulate on the same things: Assange is a journalist, not a hacker. He’s won a Walkley Award (at least six mentions of this). We have an undeniable legal obligation to him. His persecution is a “gruesome legal experiment in criminalising journalism” – a long and tortured legal process that Ludlam declares “has degenerated into an unworkable shit-show”.
The standout essays come from Guy Rundle and Helen Razer – whose amusing voice cuts through the somewhat parched tenor of cold academic-speak that lightly threads through the other essays. Her addition is a breath of fresh air in the middle of a chain of same-same arguments.
The most useful essay is Rundle’s take on the historical basis for WikiLeaks. He surveys the swirling currents of Australian history that led to its founding, identifying WikiLeaks as a continuation of political activist Albert Langer’s resistance to capital.
“We need a whole new organisation of how recent Australian history is told,” Rundle concludes, seconding Lissa Johnson’s opinion that we demand citizens who “cut across the acquiescence and consent, remove the deadbolt on the torture chamber door, turn down the music and expose what is going on inside”. This collection of polemics, though at times repetitive, takes us closer to a future where these demands no longer seem beyond reality.
A Secret Australia: Revealed by the WikiLeaks Exposes
Eds., Felicity Ruby & Peter Cronau, Monash University Publishing, $29.95
Read more:
https://www.smh.com.au/culture/books/what-assange-and-wikileaks-said-about-australia-20210129-p56xyo.html
In A Secret Australia, eighteen prominent Australians discuss what Australia has learnt about itself from the WikiLeaks revelations – revelations about a secret Australia of hidden rules and loyalty to hidden agendas. However Australians may perceive their nation’s place in the world – as battling sports stars, dependable ally or good international citizen – WikiLeaks has shown us a startlingly different story.
This is an Australia that officials do not want us to see, where the Australian Defence Force’s ‘information operations’ are deployed to maintain public support for our foreign war contributions, where media-wide super injunctions are issued by the government to keep politicians’ and major corporations’ corruption scandals secret, where the US Embassy prepares profiles of Australian politicians to fine-tune its lobbying and ensure support for the ‘right’ policies.
The revelations flowing from the releases of millions of secret and confidential official documents by WikiLeaks have helped Australians to better understand why the world is not at peace, why corruption continues to flourish, and why democracy is faltering. This greatest ever leaking of hidden government documents in world history yields knowledge that is essential if Australia, and the rest of the world, is to grapple with the consequences of covert, unaccountable and unfettered power.
The contributors include author Scott Ludlam, former defence secretary Paul Barratt, lawyers Julian Burnside and Jennifer Robinson, academics Richard Tanter, Benedetta Brevini, John Keane, Suelette Dreyfus, Gerard Goggin and Clinton Fernandes, as well as writers and journalists Andrew Fowler, Quentin Dempster, Antony Loewenstein, Guy Rundle, George Gittoes, and Helen Razer, and psychologist Lissa Johnsson.
Read more:
https://publishing.monash.edu/product/a-secret-australia/
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