Saturday 20th of April 2024

inside team awstrayla .....

inside team awstrayla .....

Pauline Hanson, the figure of popular racism from the 1990s, spoke at the Reclaim (White) Australia rally in Brisbane.  This is significant.

During her political popularity (when for example in 1998 her One Nation Party with 22% of the vote won 11 seats in the Queensland Parliament) Hanson reflected the despair of a middle class under attack because of changes in the capital accumulation process and some workers, especially non-unionised workers in regional areas.

This meant to the surprise of many mainstream media commentators that her rallies and meetings were populated by well-dressed and manicured small business people and other middle class types unhappy with the changing nature of the Australian economy and its by-passing of them. This uncertainty created an opening for Hanson and for a short time she benefited.

However Hanson did not have the political skill to coalesce a strong alienated middle class minority around her brand of fear and hate and racist scapegoating and scaremongering.  Nor could she challenge Howard when he out Hansoned her and drew many of her supporters into the Liberal net with his rabid anti-refugee stance and other reactionary policies.

She faded away, but did not disappear. At the last election in Queensland in January this year standing in the seat of Lockyer, Hanson won over 8000 votes and fell just short of winning the seat with 49.8% of the vote on a two party preferred basis according to the ABC Queensland election results site.

Clearly there is still an audience out there for her racist views. Her linking up with Reclaim Australia is a new development in the possible resurgence of her One Nation style politics, the politics of exclusion, scapegoating, and hate. It opens up a new audience and an army of enforcers for her middle class vision.

Fascism has in the past built its base among the middle class and the lumpen proletariat. One provides the respectable face and the money and the other the bovver boys to attack the left.

Hanson had many in those sections of the middle class feeling politically and economically isolated on board. What she lacked was a bovver boy brigade.

The lumpen proletariat element at the Reclaim Australia may give her that brigade. The potential in the future development of the Reclaim Australia movement is for the concentric rings of respectability and aggro to coalesce around Hanson and provide a base for an Australian version of fascism around a populist figure head.

Of course it is early days yet but by looking at the issue in class terms we can at least understand potential scenarios for the future built on the experience of history.

The possibility of a populist Hanson and a neo-Nazi right within Reclaim Australia finding common ground, as they appear to be doing, is frightening. It could herald the development of a proto-fascist organisation, based on the disaffected middle and lower classes and racist fear-mongering.

We need to gather our forces and begin the fight against the racist Reclaim (White) Australia movement. It is better to remove the weeds before they destroy the garden than after they have. Apply the weedicide now, not when the weeds have overrun the garden and it is too late.

Pauline Hanson and Reclaim (white) Australia.

It is clear fascists were involved in the racist Reclaim (White) Australia rallies on Easter Saturday across Australia. There are lots of photos of Nazis present at the rallies, including this one.

inside team awstrayla 2 ....

This is not a one off. There are many other similar images of tattooed skin heads and beer drinking middle aged angry men to suggest a significant Nazi presence at the rallies.  Obviously not all of them got the message to leave their Nazi paraphernalia at home and some didn’t understand this might mean covering up fascist tattoos as well as not bringing swastika flags to the rallies or giving Heil Hitler salutes.

But the fascists were not just present at the rallies. One of the ‘national organisers’ of Reclaim Australia is Shermon Burgess, a man who a year ago was describing most Aborigines as dickheads and is, according to New Matilda, a former member of the fascist group the Australian Defence League.  He has since apologised for his anti-Aboriginal comments. Well he would wouldn’t he, now that the tactics of pretend respectability are gaining ground among the extreme right.

Burgess now runs a Facebook page called the Great Aussie Patriot which has 16000 likes and appeals to rank nationalism. Its main (surface) agenda seems to be to return to the days of White Australia (with a few Uncle Toms thrown in to support them on the way.)

Not all those who attended the rallies are fascists. However as a US Nazi site helpfully pointed out many of the people who are demonstrating at these rallies are potential recruits. While this more subtle approach of using concerns over Islam as cover for their real agenda might be new to Australian fascists, historically these tactics are not new. Trotsky identified them in the late 20s and early 30s when he wrote about the dangers of fascism in Europe.  Essentially the Nazis used parliamentary democracy and nationalist and racist rhetoric in a time of intense economic crisis as a cover for their main goal of smashing the organised sections of the working class, the unions, left wing political groups from Labor party types to revolutionaries, to restore the profitability of capitalism and particular capitalists.

A movement that starts off as the expression of the despair of the middle classes and disaffect, totally alienated parts of the working class or lumpen proletariat becomes the razor for the capitalist class to excise working class resistance to its agenda of driving down wages, and attacking jobs, conditions and so on. [As an aside, this explains why so much of the reactionary rights’ websites, including the Great Aussie Patriot, spend so much time attacking the left.]

Here in Australia the fascists appear to be doing the same thing, using totally irrational fears of Muslims, they are intertwining with the racist Reclaim Australia movement to win more appeal and influence.  In the past when the fascists in Australia have called demonstrations on their own they have managed to corral tens of people. Now, under the guise of Reclaiming Australia, they can bring together thousands across Australia.

The other point about the situation in Australia today is the weakness of the left. First, the revolutionary left is incredibly small. Second the reformist left is also incredibly weak. Labor might win parliamentary elections but its working class support base, although still big, is shrinking and is incredibly passive.

The trade unions for the last 3o years have been on a mission to collaborate with capital in shifting more and more of the wealth we create from us to the bosses.  In this the union bureaucrats have been incredibly successful but at a cost to their own influence and power in society. Union membership is now less that 18 percent of the workforce and a major contributor to that has been the lack of fight by unions to defend and improve wages, jobs and conditions. This graph from Crikey last year shows the abysmally low levels of class struggle in Australia now and over the last few decades.

 inside team awstrayla 3 .....

Bernard Keane, Crickey: from ABS

All of this, especially the lack of industrial action and the weakness as a consequence of the left, has created an opening for the Reclaim White Australia racists and their Nazi mates to scapegoat Muslims for the problems of capitalism. Further, state sanctioned demonisation and brutalisation of asylum seekers and Aborigines by both Labor and the Liberals has created a climate for acceptance of respectable racism.

Although the mantra of Reclaim (White) Australia is they are just fighting ‘extremists’, their demands paint Islam and hence all Muslims as the enemy.  These demands are ridiculous. They want an end to halal funding terrorism. It doesn’t. They want to stop Sharia law. Seriously? WTF are these people on? The answer to that question is that they are fed fear and that feeds on their alienation and economic insecurity. They are either part of a middle class threatened by the economic changes going on in Australia right now or are declassed or fearful workers threatened by or the victims of unemployment, real wage cuts, loss of conditions and penalty rates, and attacks on the social wage.

As the Australian economy worsens the racist and Nazi voices will become louder and, as Europe shows, gain a real and much wider audience. We have to stop them doing that in Australia right now.

A strong vibrant and active left and trade union movement, with a clear understanding of the nature of capitalism and the threat respectable racism and its hidden guest, fascism, pose to the left and to working people, could act as a pole of attraction offering hope for these middle and working class people currently driven by fear. Building such a left must be our long term goal. In the medium term it means rank and file workers winning back their unions and building strikes to defend workers’ interests. In the short term we have to confront the racists and their fascist bed fellows every time they poke their slimy necks out from their sewers of hate.

I am proud to have participated in the demonstration against the racist rally in Canberra. The Canberra Times interviewed me about why I was participating. I have also joined Solidarity to boost the fight against racism, for refugees and ultimately for the working class to overthrow the rotten capitalist system that produces this racism and despair.

Reclaiming (white) Australia and the fascists

 

from the back of the bus ....

Australia has an outstanding record, perhaps beyond any other multicultural society, in displaying tolerance and in accommodating an incredibly diverse population.

Like other Western multicultural societies, the Australian community by and large continues to look for ways to act on behalf of the common good, but it takes time to appreciate its diversity and discover common values between its disparate groups.

Clearly the cultural and historical differences between Christian and Muslim communities worldwide are too wide to make a complete reconciliation, but, given the alternatives, a creative dialogue must continue.

Just as in mixed marriages, certain differences between the two faiths may be identified, even if they are not fully reconciled. First we should identify misconceptions, misgivings and the roots of grievances.

People who advocate and promote a mono-religious and mono-cultural Australia may be motivated by a kind of loyalty, but they are hindering the development of a newly emerging Australian identity.

The Australian Bureau of Census (2011) puts the number of Muslims 476.3 thousand (out of 21.5 million) or 2.2 percent of the population; with a growth of 61.5% between 2001-2011. So I estimate that in 2013 there are about 500,000 Muslims living in the country.

It is my hope and indeed my belief that the new Australian identity will come to see Muslim-Australians as Catholic-Australians, Italian-Australians, Irish-Australians, etc.… that is, both Muslim and Australian.

In Australia, the separation between one's religious and public identities is a cultural and political given. Many Australians may have been influenced by Christian values, but, unlike citizens of many Muslim countries, their identity is not exchangeable with their religious affiliation.

Muslim participants in a study I conducted in Us and Them (Australian Academic Press, 2009) identified with their particular religious group as a main part of their identity, but fewer Christian partners did.

The Muslim/Arabic press in Australia, (e.g El-Telegraph;al-Watan, Saut al-Mughtareb) has succeeded in helping to perpetuate the keeping of a native cultural tradition in a host society, perhaps more so than any other migrant press. With time this isolation may give way to strengthening integration, no doubt with the second generation maturing as bi-cultural citizens. It may provide the community , most of whom hail from the Middle East, the Asian sub-continent and Eastern Europe, with increasing confidence, sufficient comfort and psychological bonding to open up to bicultural values and put aside defensive reflexes.

The flow of information and sense of fair play is a two-way street. The ethnic Muslim communities and their press were less sophisticated and more cut off from the mainstream cultural life during the last three decades. Today I see more second-generation migrants writing and editing for the mainstream media, which should speed up this process of greater integration.

Australia's Muslim communities want to live in Australian society and not live apart from it. Muslim thinkers are tilting in the direction of increased integration and participation in civic life.

So, one of the critical next steps is to engage with education/curriculum consultants nationally and at a state level. They may propose inclusion of courses related to the building of a multicultural Australia, including courses on the diversity of Muslim, Christian and Jewish cultures around the world. Educators will also have to be knowledgeable about the emerging identities of children of Christian-Muslim (and other mixed) marriages and their willingness and eventual participation in the cultural, artistic, literary, and political expression of the mainstream society.

Children of mixed marriages, can make their position clearer as to their stance on issues of extremism and moderation - that a minority of extremists do not speak in the name of a majority. In doing so, they will allay the fears of many 'other' Australians in wanting to know who the moderates are and who the fanatics are? Such a dilemma has often been expressed in the 'Letters to the Editor' section of print media. One suggested:

"Either you are opposed to barbarism in the name of your religion or you are not… If you do not, you shouldn't be surprised when those who are the targets of terrorists eye you suspiciously" (The Age, Letters, 22 October 2002).

That said, significant differences between the two religions, Christianity and Islam, are not to be side-stepped. This could lead to a false sense of security. Differences in interpretation of social values and way of life, individual accountability, consensual decision-making, and attitudes towards implementing moral imperatives do exist. It is feasible that we should be able to acknowledge them, respect them and address them without necessarily aiming for compromise.

Moderate Muslims who keep their faith on a personal level avoid bringing religion into politics, and who feel embarrassed at violent actions taken under the banner of their religion, are in particular need of such an endorsement. Absence of a religious hierarchy – one that is similar to the Catholic one with the Pope at is pinnacle, has prompted many moderate Muslims to take matters into their own hands and become more organized. For a self-serving extremist minority of a mainstream society it may be politically convenient to demonize others on the basis of race or religion, but it never defeats their own phobias.

As Australian society matures into a culture of full inclusiveness, those who promote Islamophobia, Australia's fear of non-Western cultures and assertion of 'their' culture and life, will shrink in numbers. When a conservative member of Parliament, Fred Nile, called for a ban on Muslim women wearing the hijab he sparked an uproar both in the Parliament and community (Sydney Morning Herald, Nov. 22, 2002). He was made to account for his attack on the values of modesty/religious observance, and for his apparent misunderstanding of the nature of religious freedom in a liberal-democratic society.

I have assembled, for my new book "Education Integration Challenges – The Case of Australian Muslims" (David Lovell Publishing, Jan. 2014), a collection of essays that explore the issues and challenges faced by both the Muslim minority in Australia and mainstream society, including apathy, misunderstanding and discussions around the assimilation Western values and lifestyles.

Many Muslims in Australia find themselves caught in the middle of two cultural traditions and wonder if their growing community is being accepted by mainstream society. What are some of the predictors of what may constitute negatives attitudes towards Muslims?

This book maps the thoughts, practices and discourses of mediated, spiritualized social change in pluralist Australia; bringing together scholarly perspectives from around the country and across disciplines.

The authors demonstrate how many of the recent changes within the Australian society have triggered a number of unexpected and unpredictable consequences, including as evidenced in the media. The authors also explain ways in which they, the church and others are engaged in efforts to restructure institutions, beliefs and practices in order to affect social change.

The essays are written by contributors who are members of the Muslim community and outsiders; lay and religious; academic and free thinkers; Australian and beyond. This, is many ways widens the frame of reference, effectiveness of argumentation, and style of criticism.

They cover a range of themes including cultural pluralism, the media, religious education, civic engagement, spiritualism and interfaith dialogue, the role of women, asylum seekers, sexual abuse, mental health, mixed marriages, identity, social services and institutions, conversion to and from Islam; tolerance and factionalism, apologists and the faithful, schools and universities, challenges and future directions.

This publication is different from others in two major areas. Firstly, Muslims are not defined solely by province of their faith, but as an emerging group with dual identities – one of which is soul searching, self-critical, reflective and is defined by Islam, and the other the perception of exclusion.

The second posits that if Australians were more knowledgeable about Muslims they would express more favorable opinions of Muslims and Islam. It is thus argued that the scale of our knowledge, fashionable or well worn, is related to our attitudes - negative or positive - towards Muslims.

The analysis and understanding of

While the broad and diverse topics and perspectives covered in this project are unique, topical, intimate and have not been broached before in published form, the conclusions made in this book should be viewed as a good starting point for further research.

Undertaking to cover all aspects of an important subject such as this was a formidable task. The diversity of issues in this book makes it difficult to go into great depth. For example, the complexity of covering all ethnic Muslim communities and associated variables, dynamics and reactions by various non-Muslims, including secular communities, in one project make it impossible to do the subject complete justice. (It would have been gratifying, for example to have incorporated several other areas such as women prisoners, secular Muslims, generational difference, Jewish-Muslim dialogue, Middle Eastern Christian – Muslim encounters; the persecuted, and marginalized).

Muslims immigrants and being Australian